The Citizens Guide to the U. S. Navy (Blue & Gold Professional Library)

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Photo by Samuel J. Miller, via WikiCommons. Douglass, in particular, employed the new medium of photography to create self-portraits intended to humanize enslaved blacks in the eyes of white Americans. Garrison produced abolitionist newspapers while Douglass published a powerful biography, My Bondage and My Freedom , in But all African Americans were not officially freed from slavery until the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified in December The Fourteenth Amendment in provided citizenship and equal rights to former slaves.

The Fifteenth Amendment in granted voting rights to all American men, regardless of race. The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society employed cardboard boxes like this one, circa , to raise money for the abolitionist cause. However, most freed slaves were not given any land or payment for their years of unpaid labor. They often ended up working as indentured servants in the sharecropping system, or were arrested, thanks to Jim Crow -era Black Codes that more or less made being black in public illegal. A clause in the Thirteen Amendment allowed that convicts could be forced into slave labor, so many African Americans in the South were re-enslaved in prison camps.

Others were subjected to segregation, blocked from voting, and tormented by night-riding terrorist groups like the Ku Klux Klan. African Americans lost their political power in the South when Reconstruction ended and the U. Those who could migrated to the North to look for new opportunities, where they faced housing and job discrimination and social ridicule through blackface entertainment and racist advertising characters. The Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ida B. At the turn of the 20th century, white people were lynching and massacring African Americans in alarming numbers all over the country.

In , the Niagara Movement brought 32 African American leaders together to discuss segregation, discrimination, disenfranchisement, and racist violence. That meeting led several prominent black activists including W. Du Bois , Ida B. In Colonial America, home-brewed beer was the drink of choice, and men in particular drank it all day , even though being obviously drunk in public was considered shameful.

To promote restraint in alcohol consumption, the American Temperance Society was established in The Prohibition Party , founded in , had a more extreme agenda, which was to ban liquor production and sales. These women felt their families suffered from the coffer-draining and corrupting influence of men-only saloons, where political, economic, and criminal deals were made. Led by feminists Annie Wittenmyer and Frances Willard, the WCTU also rallied against tobacco and prostitution and in favor of a higher age of sexual consent for girls, improved working conditions, public sanitation, and peace.

By , she had decided her mission from God was to destroy saloons across Kansas, and she carried on this mission for a decade, swinging a hatchet and sometimes bringing hymn-singing female protestors with her. She was arrested 32 times. Leach, right, watches agents pour liquor into sewer following a Prohibition raid in the s. The Anti-Saloon League , founded in Oberlin, Ohio, in , had major backing from Protestant ministers across the United States, and it created a powerful lobby that helped the Prohibition of Alcohol pass as the 18th Amendment to the Constitution in The law was repealed by the 21st Amendment in The labor movement had been brewing since the Colonial era, and the first recorded strike —by skilled tailors protesting reduced wages—happened in At the time, most Americans did some farming to support their families, developing their craftsmanship in the winter months.

Work hours were not much of an issue: Self-employed farmers put in the most hard labor for about six months of the year , estimated at hours a day. In the early days of the United States, craftsmen began organizing trade unions in cities around the country to protect their fields from cheap and shoddy workmanship. In this illustration, strike breakers attempt to start a freight train, under a guard of United States marshals, at East St. But as the Industrial Revolution progressed in the new country, it revealed cracks in the Enlightenment ideals about equality the United States was founded on.

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Mechanized production created three distinct classes, the upper class or the company owners, the middle class or the business professionals, and the working class who labored in the factories. The growing wealth gap between the upper and lower classes was at odds with American ideals. Some historians believe factory workers—men, women, and children—would work from sun up to sun down, with only Sunday off. Industry magnates employed bevies of European immigrants in low-wage jobs in their plants.

The overworked and underpaid coal miners, steel workers, and train-car builders, among others, began organizing and striking against their wealthy bosses for better pay and improved working conditions. These strikes often led to violent clashes with company guards, police officers, and even the U. The union members sometimes retaliated with guns and pipe bombs of their own. A bilingual English-German flier notifying people of a rally in support of striking workers at Haymarket Square, Chicago, on May 4, In , the National Labor Union attempted to form a coalition of trade unions to push for eight-hour work days.

The Knights pushed for eight-hour work days, an end to child labor, and a graduated income tax. A congress of socialists led by Albert Parsons , the party rallied for a series of railroad strikes in A year later, the organization re-formed as the Socialist Labor Party , which evolved into the Socialist Party of America, which was headed by union leader Eugene V. Debs , who eventually ran for president five times between and In , the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions —which became the American Federation of Labor in —formed to promote trade unionism for skilled workers.

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The FOTLU set May 1, , as the date that eight-hour workdays should be standard and promoted a general strike on that day. Two days into the strike, police fired into a crowd, and on May 4, a rally at Haymarket Square turned violent, a conflict that killed seven police officers and four protestors. While the AFL stated it represented all workers of all skills, gender, race, and religion, its national trade unions only represented skilled laborers, which, because of social and economic discrimination, were usually white men.

A I. The Wobblies wanted all workers to overthrow the employing class and establish a system that favored cooperation and human rights over competition and profit. They welcomed women, immigrants, and African and Asian Americans into their ranks. Businessmen hired employees to disrupt Wobbly meetings, either with something benign like bringing in the Salvation Army marching band, or by inciting violence. Wobblies who dared to make public speeches risked being arrested and killed.

In , muckraking journalist Upton Sinclair published his novel, The Jungle , which was meant to expose the horrific working conditions of immigrants employed by urban meatpacking plants. Instead, the public got worked up about lack of sanitation and purity in their processed food, and demanded new health codes and food-safety inspections.

In , the Nineteenth Amendment granted women the right to vote and the Eighteenth Amendment prohibited the production, importation, transportation, and sale of intoxicating beverages. Despite all these new freedoms, women still had—and have—a long way to go. Constitution, which would guarantee women equality when it comes to employment, property, and divorce. The bill was first introduced to Congress in In the s and s, a young socialist woman named Margaret Sanger campaigned for birth control , founding the American Birth Control League , which later became Planned Parenthood.

In , a crowd gathered in the rain outside the Bank of United States after its failure. The severe droughts and wind erosion of the earth caused a series of dust storms known as the Dust Bowl that further wrecked the lives of American farmers and their crops in parts of Oklahoma, Kansas, Texas, Colorado, and New Mexico between and Tens of thousands of farm laborers fled to other states.

Plus, allowing the sale and manufacture of alcohol would boost the U. Photo by Dorothea Lange, via Library of Congress. However, many of these programs were specifically designed to benefit white Americans while holding back minority groups. Red lines were drawn around pre-dominantly African American or minority neighborhoods. White families living in neighborhoods outside the red lines found it easy to secure home loans, while families of color living within the red lines were rejected. This policy kept generational wealth in the hands of white Americans, while other ethnic groups continued to struggle.

Click to enlarge. The Wagner Act , or the National Labor Relations Act of , promised workers the right to collective bargaining through their unions. In the late s, the Congress of Industrial Organizations CIO brought together unions for coal mines, auto manufacturing, and rubber and steel processing.

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The eight-hour workday and hour workweek, which had become the standard in many industries thanks to nearly a century of union organizing, became federal law in , thanks to the Fair Labor Standards Act. In other words, the assumption that maximum restriction in copyright is the path to maximum benefit which for too long has animated US copyright policies, laws and treaties has been soundly and rationally rejected.

This is a tremendous opportunity for our communities, in particular for students and others with visual disabilities, as Google Book search makes millions of books searchable.

This important project supports the goal of the copyright system to expand knowledge by supporting access for those with print disabilities with the creation of machine-readable digital copies, and by providing a new research tool for users who can, among other uses engage in text-and-data mining to understand in a deeper way the record of human culture and achievement contained in these books that would not otherwise be possible without the large, searchable database created by Google Books.

One need not return to the schools of thought of Alfred Thayer Mahan and Julien Corbett to illustrate the debate between those favoring capital ships as the bedrock of strategy Ticonderoga -class guided missile cruisers or Arleigh Burke - and Zumwalt -class destroyers and those who lobby for smaller vessels fast patrol boats, frigates, or littoral combat ships for the modern Navy.

This needs to be seen against the background of where the Navy faces the most significant challenges, by whom, and what it is being asked to do by the President. That tide has turned with an increase in blue-water challengers, such as China. The early s saw a similar discussion between two camps. The third major strand of thought concerns the role of nuclear weapons at sea, although that discussion is, for the time being, largely confined to the s. Below the threshold of devastating atomic war, the fourth strand relates to just how many conventional or hybrid conflicts the Navy should strategically be outfitted for.

The range goes from one major war, to 1. This obviously also concerns the kind of contingency that is expected, or as Edward Rhodes put it in , if one is to fight a counter-military or a counter-societal campaign. After all, with two extensive and expensive U. What is its place in national strategy? In contrast to the few published works that look at broader strands, continuities and changes in Navy strategy, comparatively many more studies focus on particulars.

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For example, one could look at the Navy through a technology lens as a common denominator that shapes naval missions and the particular utility of naval assets in a given area such as strike, ballistic missile defense, cyber, special operations, electronic warfare, or logistics. It is a most helpful tool for analysts to focus their view of assessing the naval contributions to U. The focus on naval missions or technology is a debate that hardly ever is felt outside of expert circles.

In fact, it is rare that the actual use of the Navy for political ends is discussed in public, with the argument between Secretary of Defense Ash Carter and Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus over presence vs. It was slightly different in the Cold War against the background of nuclear parity, as a number of books can attest to.

Some of these works continue to inspire naval strategy analysts today. Who creates, who interprets, who modifies, who implements it? This leads to a major fruitful debate, one that seeks to answer who makes strategy as such.

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David Rosenberg, on the other hand, noted that process, rather than particularly gifted or empowered offices or individuals, was the key to understanding how strategy was formulated. A couple of years after his first analytical piece, Rosenberg—together with noted military historian Jon Sumida—narrowed the particulars down to a catchy quintet: According to the two authors, it was machines, men, manufacturing, management, and money that literally made naval strategy.

In lieu of very recent theorists and in acknowledgment of the relatively high number of constants in sea power and naval strategy, some of the classics receive recurring attention. Alfred Thayer Mahan, for instance, has been the subject of at least three major naval strategy books since A similar fate can be diagnosed for Samuel Huntington, whose thoughts on the need for a strategic concept await rediscovery by academics and policy-makers alike. First, there are the strategies themselves.

Internet archives, but more importantly the collections in the Newport Papers, are formidable sources. Oral histories and recorded interviews are another viable source of information, although for the very recent history there is a lack of oral histories and interviewees might be hard to track down owing to the fact that they are very often still in office or in an official position. These are, in essence, elite conversations with a particular narrow or too broad focus.

Access to decision-makers willing to speak can be challenging, and interviews and a transcript are time-consuming undertakings. Existing literature can be broadly grouped into the classics, the more nuanced uses of maritime power in the Cold War, a reassessment for the post—Cold War world, and a few operational histories.

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Memoirs and auto- biographies are far and few in between. To date, the works on Elmo Zumwalt, Hyman G. Rickover, James Holloway, and John Lehman remain the only notable points of departure in this genre. First, there is a distinct lack of documentation about processes. One can try to retrieve memos and drafts of strategy documents, for example, only at a significant research expense because these often do not make it into archives.

The relative lack of attribution and the differing strategy formulation. Second, classification is also an issue, as with any national security problem. Where strategic documents are often un- or declassified after all, a strategy is meant to inform a larger audience , drafts thereof remain classified and the more recent, internally aimed capstone documents are still out of reach.

Third, a challenge particular to historians is one that is deeply rooted in their academic upbringing and ethos: the inability or even unwillingness to engage with ongoing political processes. By virtue, historians often are accustomed to looking at details more than at patterns and at individuals more than at processes. They are trained to work on issues at least three decades old the average time for archival sources to be made available so that they need not necessarily interact with current policy-making messes. At the same time, political scientists are often too focused on a narrow problem or a method or theory in order to connect the larger dots and provide practical expertise.

The question of just who writes strategy, and to interpret accordingly without setting a gold standard from decades ago for something entirely more complex today—as the Maritime Strategy became a gold standard for many capstone documents of the s, s, and s—is a very challenging one. To complicate matters further, the abundance of acronyms and coinages in military lingo is fabulous. From ship designations to Department of Defense branches, this is sure to frustrate many analysts who are not familiar with how the military works, how it thinks, and how it enacts orders or policy objectives.

It does not help that there is a certain periodization of military history—the fifth challenge—which potentially confuses the strands and lines that cross systemic changes e. Sixth, it is challenging to measure successful strategies altogether. Or was it a failure, for many of its key components were never tested in anger because the Soviet Union was already on its way out anyway? These are some of the substantial disagreements in the scholarly and practical community.

Seventh, institutional learning is hard to measure because of the dynamics involved in how departments change, and the individuals who rotate through them. Eight, causation does not. To complicate matters, as Swartz, Amund Lundesgaard, and Peter Haynes have repeatedly stressed from different angles, the Navy is fundamentally about operations. It devotes finite energy and time to strategic excellence because it strives for operational perfection.

Ninth, what prism does the analyst use to focus the research? Is, for example, the type of warfare—nuclear, conventional, and unconventional—a valid lens through which to focus the analyses? What if they are more intimately intertwined? How can this be balanced?


What is missing? It goes without saying that a narrative is not necessarily an analysis. Tenth, there is the issue of historical revisionism. Intentions and results are two very different cups of tea, but in hindsight things might make sense to the outside observer, especially when supported by evidence from oral histories or selective research. This also relates to the blame and praise assessments, especially in an era where bemoaning the lack of strategy is the rule, not the exception—except, naturally, at a given time in the past when strategy to which the sender of such a message might often have a personal relationship!

Finally, analysts need to take a hard look at the established views of the policy-makers. If it holds true that the President, the Secretary of Defense, and the Navy are the most important players in developing and implementing naval strategy Stallmann in and Hattendorf in made these points clear , then why is there so surprisingly little from their point of view? There is a vast field that demands research when it comes to naval strategy and its place in national strategy.

It would be impossible to devise research questions for every single one of these, and some issues are arguably more pressing than others. Still, grant-making institutions, think tanks, universities, and research and dissemination institutions should look at these as possible prisms for work that really would make an impact in the naval strategic community:. Naval strategy and sea power as a foreign policy tool: Where, when, and how was the Navy used as a foreign policy tool, from maritime diplomacy to coercion, from naval deterrence conventional and nuclear to capacity-building and confidence-building measures?

What is the political value of a navy? Navy strategy and U.