En lo Próspero y en lo Adverso (Spanish Edition)
They are competent enough at managing their affairs among post-historical people, but understanding the motives and countering the strategies of old-fashioned power politicians is hard for them. Unlike their less productive and less stable rivals, post-historical people are unwilling to make sacrifices, focused on the short term, easily distracted, and lacking in courage.
The realities of personal and political life in post-historical societies are very different from those in such countries as China, Iran, and Russia, where the sun of history still shines. It is not just that those different societies bring different personalities and values to the fore; it is also that their institutions work differently and their publics are shaped by different ideas. The tide of history may be flowing inexorably in the direction of liberal capitalist democracy, and the sun of history may indeed be sinking behind the hills.
But even as the shadows lengthen and the first of the stars appears, such figures as Putin still stride the world stage. They will not go gentle into that good night, and they will rage, rage against the dying of the light. Los esperanzados no tienen culpa. Tras los incidentes del S, el presidente George W. Las relaciones entre estas potencias revisionistas son complejas. A largo plazo, Rusia teme el ascenso de China.
El poder de EE. En lugar de desafiar abiertamente el statu quo, intentan desmenuzar las normas y relaciones que lo sustentan. Desde la presidencia de Obama, cada una de estas potencias ha seguido una estrategia distinta a la luz de sus puntos fuertes y debilidades. Rusia, que utiliza su asiento en el consejo de seguridad de la ONU y su apoyo a al-Asad para entorpecer los objetivos de EE. Las potencias revisionistas han ganado terreno, mientras los poderes del statu quo han visto socavada su credibilidad. Tanto a la izquierda como a la derecha, los norteamericanos cuestionan los beneficios del orden mundial actual y la habilidad de sus arquitectos.
La figura del presidente de EE. No obstante, la senda hacia la posmodernidad sigue siendo abrupta. Es posible que el curso de la historia fluya inexorablemente hacia la democracia liberal capitalista y el sol se oculte tras las colinas. Unless these institutions can garner legitimacy among European citizens and transform the EU into a real federal union, with common fiscal and economic policies to complement its single currency, Europe will be worried by its future as much as its past and continue to find its social model battered by the gales of an ever more competitive global economy.
Along the way, France will have to yield more sovereignty than its historic comfort zone has so far allowed, and Germany will have to realize that its own self-interest calls for it to bear the burden of resolving the current account imbalances within the eurozone. Without reform, in an ever more competitive international economic environment, it will be difficult to finance the generous welfare state that Europeans are used to.
In fact, he points out, the reverse is true: the only way to make Europe competitive again and reap the benefits from globalization is to embark on a political union. These have helped manufacturing to continue to account for a healthy 24 percent of the German economy. What never seems to be debated in Germany, however, is how this industrial foundation of German prosperity would be threatened if the euro failed. In that case, Germany would be forced to return to the deutsch mark, the value of its currency would skyrocket, and the competitiveness of its manufacturing sector would plummet.follow link
Full text of "Poems and letters. With an English translation, introd., and notes by W.B. Anderson"
German multinational companies would waste little time before shifting their production out of Germany to take advantage of lower foreign labor costs, the global spread of technology, and the web of supply chains that enables quality production elsewhere. Research and design might remain at home, but the production and assembly associated with plentiful middle-income jobs would move away. The big losers in such a scenario would be the members of the German middle class -- and so, properly understood, for Germany, the euro is a class issue. Today, however, the reality is that those bond markets will dictate not only whether the euro will survive but also the costs that the German middle class will pay.
If Germany wants to remain a broadly prosperous and fair society in a globalized world, it can do so only within a stable eurozone and all that that entails -- to start with, a banking union, then fiscal union, and, ultimately, a federal political union. Like Switzerland, Europe needs a strong but limited central government that accommodates as much local diversity as possible.
If the euro were to fail, moreover, the German financial sector would also take a hit and further damage the economy.
The domino effect of default in the European periphery would ultimately end up hitting German banks and savers alike, since they are among the major creditors owning those troubled debts with outstanding loans in of more than billion euros to Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. And failure of the eurozone due to hesitation in Berlin would place the blame for the ruin of Europe on Germany, something neither the public nor elites there want.
Indeed, with a diminished surplus, the so-called transfer union that so many Germans oppose -- a permanent subsidy for the weaker peripheral states -- would be unnecessary. But with continued large external surpluses, it would become indispensable, since only that would allow other Europeans to finance the purchase of German goods. The real issue for Germany today is thus not about bailing out the rest but about saving itself before it is too late.
At its moment of federation, in the s, the United States was a sparsely populated handful of young states with a common culture and common language, and so it does not provide many relevant lessons for Europe today. That transition was made only following an historical moment of great tensions between liberals and conservatives, Protestants and Catholics. All powers not specifically delegated to the federal government by the Swiss constitution, moreover, continue to be held by the cantons.
With decades of step-by-step integration already behind it and an accelerating world ahead, Europe must accomplish its shift to full political union in years and decades, not centuries, but this shift can nonetheless usefully follow much of the Swiss model. Asked once how he would account for the prosperity of the Scandinavian nations despite their high tax rates, the economist Milton Friedman responded that it was because their common identity and homogenous culture had enabled consensus to emerge.
Free markets, he pointed out, were important precisely because they allowed people without a common identity to work together, even if they hated one another. Such a process of integration has worked well in Europe so far, but in order to lock in the gains and connections, institutions need to follow where markets have already gone. Like Switzerland, in other words, Europe needs a strong but limited central government that accommodates as much local diversity as possible. As is the case everywhere, it is a matter of balancing priorities.
Governance works best -- because it is more legitimate and accountable -- when the scale is small; markets are most prosperous when the scale is large. One area that certainly needs centralized regulation and institutional guidance is finance. The absence of homogenous regulation will only sow the seeds of the next financial crisis and hobble Europe in the decades ahead as it faces new competitive challenges in the global economy. Such moves would help drive deep structural reforms in individual countries, such as increasing flexibility in labor markets, that would promote competitiveness.
Some argue that aligning European states more closely on issues such as wage levels, the social contract, and tax rates should be the task of the European Commission -- which represents all 27 member states -- rather than of intergovernmental treaties whose negotiation is inevitably dominated by France and, particularly, Germany. This makes sense, but for the commission to take on such a role, it will need to acquire much more popular legitimacy.
The parliament and the council, meanwhile, need to be able to initiate legislation a power only the commission has now. It would also make sense to allocate seats in the parliament in a way that more accurately reflected the populations of the member states and to create the office of a commissioner for savings, who could help see to it that the member states met their various financial and budgetary commitments and obligations. Former German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, meanwhile, has suggested leveraging the current legitimacy of the nation-state to forge a more effective common European budget policy.
The democratic public of each state will have to decide whether it is in its long-term interest to join the federation or opt out. It is an illusion to believe that a strong political union can be built on the weak allegiance that results from tweaking treaties. Its foundation must be a popular mandate. The appropriate venue for these discussions, as Schroeder and others have suggested, would be a full-scale European convention. Former Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt, the German politician Daniel Cohn-Bendit both members of the European Parliament , and others have proposed turning the elections for the European Parliament into the election of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution for Europe that would incorporate these sorts of ideas.
How, specifically, might a political union in Europe work? The European Parliament could elect the chief executive of the European Commission, who would then form a cabinet of ministers out of the larger parties in the parliament -- including a finance minister with the capacity to levy taxes and formulate a substantial budget on a Europe-wide basis. Other cabinet positions would cover the provision of supranational European public goods defense, foreign policy, energy, infrastructure, and so forth , leaving as many decisions on other matters as possible in the hands of the national governments within the federation.
The European Court of Justice would arbitrate any issues of disputed sovereignty arising between the commission and the member states. Because the parliament would have enhanced power, selecting a chief executive for the union, it would make sense to have parliamentary elections based on Europe-wide lists instead of national party lists. Having more at stake in the elections would lead to more discussion and higher rates of voting, which would mean more legitimacy for the results and the institutions in general.
Parties that obtained less than ten or 15 percent of the vote in Europe-wide elections would be present in debate but could not vote. Such a rule would tend to push politics toward centrist compromise and avoid gridlock that might arise from the veto power of small parties in a coalition. Members would be selected by nation-states for staggered terms longer than the shorter electoral cycle of the lower house of the parliament, thus encouraging a longer-term perspective on governance.
Unlike the lower house, which would focus primarily on the short-term interests of its national constituents, the upper house would be a more deliberative body, focused on broader and longer-term questions. In order to preserve some of the nonpartisan, meritocratic quality of the current commission, each cabinet minister in the commission would be paired with a permanent secretary from the European civil service in his or her area of competence.
A constructive no-confidence vote is a consensus-forging mechanism whereby a no-confidence vote can take place only if majority support for a new, alternative governing coalition has already been secured. Taxes and legislation would have to be approved by a majority of both legislative houses. Any move toward such a political union would obviously raise myriad thorny issues. The new institutions and their rules would ideally be established from the bottom up through a constituent assembly, rather than by a treaty change -- but how could a truly ground-up process ever get traction?
The large parties that would win the most seats in the European Parliament would need to hash out a compromise or a common agenda robust enough to make governing possible -- but what if they did not? And what is most fundamental, could a political union ever really cohere if not preceded by continent-wide nation building aimed at forging a forward-looking common identity?
What is crucial now, however, is recognition that the current system is not working and that closer, rather than looser, integration is the more sensible and attractive option. In , Alexander Hamilton, then the U. This was the first step in making the United States a continental and, ultimately, global power. So, too, in Europe, debt resolution can be the midwife of a political union that could make Europe a powerful pillar in the geopolitical order of the twenty-first century. Como Suiza, Europa necesita un gobierno central fuerte pero limitado que acomode el mayor grado de diversidad local que sea posible.
En otras palabras, Europa necesita —como Suiza— un gobierno central fuerte pero limitado que acomode el mayor grado de diversidad local que sea posible. Su cimiento tiene que ser el mandato popular. What happened was, a couple of years ago Osama bin Laden said in one of his intermittent recorded messages to the world that during the previous Gulf War Colin Powell and Dick Cheney had destroyed Baghdad worse than Hulagu of the Mongols.
Bin Laden provided no further identification of Hulagu, probably assuming that none was needed. Of course, almost no one in America had any idea what he was talking about, so news stories helpfully added that Hulagu, a grandson of Genghis Khan, was a Mongol general who sacked Baghdad in the year At the time, I was doing research for a book about a subject in which the Mongols came up occasionally. Anyone who does research knows you have to stay focussed on your topic and not go down every interesting avenue you pass, or you will end up wandering aimlessly in attention-deficit limbo.
I wondered how a world figure like Hulagu could be so well known, apparently, in the far reaches of Asia, and the opposite of that here. I also wondered, in terms of simple fact, if it could be accurate to say that Cheney and Powell were worse than he. Reading about the Iraq war seemed to segue unavoidably into reading about the Mongols. Finally I quit resisting and went with the Mongol flow. Like the Huns and the Scythians before them, they came from the steppe grasslands of central Asia, which produced their great resource of horses and draft animals. After Genghis Khan united a number of Mongol tribes into a single horde under his command in the early thirteenth century, they descended on cities in China, India, Afghanistan, Persia, Turkestan, and Russia.
Between and , they wasted dozens of cities and wiped out more than These and other large numbers of victims attributed to the Mongols may have been inspired more by terror than by historical fact. The Mongols had so many oxen and cattle that they were able to carry all kinds of stuff with them—entire houses, and even temples—on giant carts.
Observers said the number of Mongol horses was beyond counting, every warrior possessing many remounts. Mongols spent so much time on horseback that they grew up bowlegged. If a Mongol had to move any distance farther than a hundred paces, he jumped on a horse and rode. Fuelled by grass, the Mongol empire could be described as solar-powered; it was an empire of the land. Later empires, such as the British, moved by ship and were wind-powered, empires of the sea. The American empire, if it is an empire, runs on oil and is an empire of the air. They shaved their hair short on the backs and tops of their heads and left it long at the sides.
Custom forbade them from ever washing their clothes. Many Mongol nobles died young from drunkenness. After victories, Mongols sometimes celebrated by drinking kumis while sitting on benches made of planks tied to the backs of their prisoners. Mongols also ate meat tenderized by being sat on beneath their saddles on long journeys; marmot steeped in sour milk; curds dried in the sun; roots, dogs, rats—almost anything, according to several observers.
Marco Polo, who travelled among them in the years , wrote that they ate hamsters, which were plentiful on the steppes. A Franciscan friar who in went to seek out the Great Khan in the hope of persuading him to become a Christian reported that, during a siege of a Chinese city, a Mongol army ran out of food and ate one of every ten of its own soldiers.
Other Mongol facts: On their treeless steppes, they tended to get hit by lightning a lot. Thunder terrified them. They wore armor made of scales of iron sewn to garments of thick hide, and iron helmets that sometimes came to a point on top. Their swords were short and sometimes curved. The notches in their arrows were too narrow to fit the wider bowstrings of the Western people they fought, so that the arrows could not be picked up and shot back at them.
Mongol bows, made of layers of horn and sinew on a wooden frame, took two men to string. Warriors carried them strung, in holsterlike cases at their belts. The globally eye-opening books of Marco Polo would not have been possible without the safe passage provided for him by Mongol power. Mongols were curious about religions, and tolerant toward them. Mongol armies sometimes did not destroy churches, mosques, and monasteries. Eventually, many of the Mongol hordes combined their own shamanist beliefs with the Islam or Buddhism prevailing in the lands they overran.
Unlike previous steppe barbarians, the Mongols had a strong body of laws, the yasaq, based on the decrees of Genghis Khan, and in many cases it remained in place for centuries in their conquered territories. In general, the Mongols were well organized. By the fifteenth century, better defenses and the increased sophistication of firearms began to give civilized places an advantage over Mongol horsemen in warfare.
The Mongols were becoming less dangerous, too, as they took up the domesticated customs of people they had ruled. Sonam Gyatso, who became the Dalai Lama in , set out on a missionary journey to Mongolia in , performed many miracles on the way, and was greeted by the Mongols with rejoicing. In less than a generation, many Mongols had become Lamaists, renouncing not only warfare but all other violence, including hunting and hawking. Today the Tibetan Buddhists believe that the saintly Sonam Gyatso is alive in his latest reincarnation, in the person of Tenzin Gyatso, the current Dalai Lama, recently seen smiling beatifically in ads for a computer brand.
During the time of Hulagu, the Mongols were still centuries from being peaceable. Hulagu was the third-youngest among four brothers, all of them famous: Mongke, who outmaneuvered rivals to become khan in , and who died of dysentery; Kubilai, arguably the most powerful khan ever, who occupied Peking and founded a Chinese dynasty that lasted almost a hundred years; Hulagu, an il-khan, or subsidiary khan, whose domains were in Persia and the west; and Arigh-boke, who rebelled against Kubilai and held out for years until Kubilai defeated him.
Because the Mongols absorbed many peoples and tolerated different religions, they soon had Buddhists, Muslims, Taoists, and even Christians among them. Hulagu was educated by a Nestorian Christian priest. Nestorians held a less exalted view of the divinity of Christ, and were regarded by the Roman and Orthodox churches as heretics.
Dokuz-khatun was said to be descended from one of the wise men who visited the baby Jesus in the manger. Hulagu seems never to have become a Christian himself, but members of the faith in the middle east saw him as their champion. Great sorrow came to all the Christians throughout the world. Mongols destroyed cities; Islam built them. Along the way, they founded new cities or enlarged old ones, and, of all the cities of early Islam, Baghdad became the wonder.
The Abbassid caliphate lasted for five hundred years. Mansour chose the small village of Baghdad, on the Tigris, as the site for his future capital because of its possibilities for transportation and agriculture. He also liked its remoteness. The name Baghdad, however, prevailed. Within forty years, Baghdad had become the storied and romantic place it would forever be in popular imagination. Poets who pleased the caliph might have pearls poured upon them; concubines for his harem sold for tens of thousands of gold dirhams.
Almost everybody in ninth-century Baghdad could read and write. While Europe still moiled in its Dark Ages, Baghdad was a city of booksellers, bathhouses, gardens, game parks, libraries. Harun al-Rashid was the first chess-playing caliph; Baghdadis also played checkers and backgammon. Translators took Greek works and rendered them into Arabic, in which they were preserved to be translated into European languages several centuries later. The palaces of the caliphs were of marble, rare woods, jade, and alabaster, with fountains and interior gardens, and carpets and wall hangings by the thousand.
Servants sprinkled guests with sprinklers of rosewater and powdered musk and ambergris. Because of the need for accuracy in setting the religious calendar and orienting mosques to face Mecca, astronomy was especially important. Its cooks knew how to make highly complicated dishes, and sweets like halvah and baklava.
Political changes made the caliph less powerful, limiting his temporal domain to Baghdad and nearest regions, though Sunni Muslims in other places still accepted his spiritual authority. The city remained a center of wealth and commerce, and an imposing sight architecturally. Caliph Mustasim, the thirty-seventh in the Abbassid line, who became caliph in , had confidence that his house would reign until Resurrection Day.
Rumors of the approach of the Mongol army in did not worry him. During the reign of his father, the armies of the caliph had been among a very few opponents to defeat and turn back the Mongols. From deep in Mongolia Hulagu set out in , marching westward at the head of a large force that included siege-engine experts of several nationalities. His trebuchets could hurl huge rocks, and smaller stones covered in flaming naphtha, and his arbalesters could shoot bolts dipped in burning pitch a distance of twenty-five hundred paces.
The Mongols took eighteen months crossing Asia as far as Afghanistan. There and in the mountains of Persia they stopped to conquer the Assassins, an extreme Shiite sect that terrorized neighboring rulers by sending young men on suicide missions to kill them. In no-quarter sieges, Hulagu battered the Assassins out of their mountain fortresses with his heavy weapons, and then destroyed them root and branch. Later historians agreed that in this, at least, he did the world a favor.
By , Hulagu had reached western Persia. From there he sent emissaries to the caliph telling him to raze the walls of Baghdad and fill in the moat and come in person to make obeisance to Hulagu. The caliph replied that with all of Islam ready to defend him, he did not fear. He advised Hulagu to go back where he came from.
The Mongol army had recently received reinforcements from other Mongol hordes, and a contingent of Christian cavalry from Georgia. Perhaps the Mongols had eight hundred and fifty thousand soldiers; certainly they had more than a hundred thousand. In November of , they marched on toward Baghdad, dividing as they approached so that their forces would surround the city.
The caliph sent an army to stop those approaching from the west, and repulsed them in an early battle. Mustasim, the caliph, was not of a character equal to such large problems. He is described as a weak, vacillating layabout who liked to drink sherbet and keep company with musicians and clowns. Worse, from a strategic point of view, Mustasim had recently angered the Shiites by various insults and offenses, such as throwing the poem of a famous Shiite poet in the river.
Now vengeful Shiites volunteered help to the Mongols in Mosul and other places along their march. Soon they had breached the outer wall. The caliph, who had been advised against escaping by his vizier, offered to negotiate. Hulagu, with the city practically in his hands, refused. The upshot was that the caliph and his retinue came out of the city, the remainder of his army followed, they laid down their arms, and the Mongols killed almost everybody.
Then, for a period of seven days, the Mongols sacked the city, killing depending on the source two hundred thousand, or eight hundred thousand, or more than a million. Plunderers threw away their swords and filled their scabbards with gold. A li equalled five hundred bow lengths—a hundred li was maybe thirty miles. The stories of what Hulagu did to the caliph vary. One says that Hulagu toyed with him a while, dining with him and discussing theology and pretending to be his guest.
A famous account describes how Hulagu imprisoned the caliph in a roomful of treasure and brought him gold on a tray instead of food. Learned Shiites advised Hulagu that no catastrophes had followed the bloody deaths of John the Baptist, Jesus Christ, or the Shiite saint Hosein, so he should go ahead. To be safe, Hulagu had the caliph wrapped in a carpet and then trodden to death by horses.
The daughter was shipped off to Mongolia to be a slave in the harem of Mongke Khan. Amassing large harems was an important occupation of the khans. Genghis Khan was said to have had five hundred wives and concubines. When the Mongols overran a place, their captains took some of the women and passed along the more beautiful ones to their superiors, who passed the more beautiful to their superiors, and so on all the way to the khan, who could choose among the pulchritude of a continent.
Genghis Khan had scores of children, as did other khans and nobles descended from him for centuries in the Genghis Khanite line. Recently, a geneticist at Oxford University, Dr. Chris Tyler-Smith, and geneticists from China and central Asia took blood samples from populations living in regions near the former Mongol empire, and they studied the Y chromosomes.
These are useful in establishing lineage because Y chromosomes continue from father to son. Tyler-Smith and his colleagues found that an anomalously large number of the Y chromosomes carried a genetic signature indicating descent from a single common ancestor about a thousand years ago.
The scientists theorized that the ancestor was Genghis Khan or, more exactly, an eleventh-century ancestor of Genghis Khan. About eight per cent of all males in the region studied, or sixteen million men, possess this chromosome signature. It is possible, therefore, that more than thirty-two million people in the world today are descended from Genghis Khan. From Baghdad he intended to go on and conquer Egypt, but he failed at that. After the death of Mongke Khan, in , the struggle for succession took him away from the campaign. The killing of such a distinguished person was usually a warrant for swift revenge, but the Egyptians were able to overcome the next Mongol force sent against them as well.
As a result, Islamic culture in Cairo did not get crushed by the Mongols, and so for a time Egypt became the center of Islam; and the Mongols never extended their power beyond Asia into Africa.
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By his cruelty to the caliph, Hulagu may have caused himself unexpected trouble. Berke, his cousin, the leader of the Golden Horde of Mongols on the steppes of Russia, had recently converted to Islam. After Baghdad fell, he perhaps was angry at the insult to his faith; he moved to attack Hulagu, who had to make his way to Azerbaijan to defend against this new enemy. The presence of a serious threat from fellow-Mongols on his northern flank effectively boxed Hulagu in, and he attempted no more major conquests.
In the cities he had won along the Tigris and Euphrates, he put his viceroys in power, and rewarded some of the helpful Shiites. For the Persian Shiite astronomer Nasir-al-Din Tusi, who had abetted the Mongols ever since they freed him from the Assassins, Hulagu built a costly observatory, which later produced the first scientifically accurate explanation of the rainbow. Nasir-al-Din Tusi asked Hulagu to make him the caliph, but Hulagu refused. No caliph would ever reign again in Baghdad, nor would Islam have another capital to match that city in its prime.
Hulagu left three thousand Mongols in Baghdad to rebuild it, but they did not accomplish much. Decades later, it was still mostly a ruin. Some irrigation systems that the Mongol army destroyed were not repaired until Iraq began to get money from its oil in the twentieth century. Mongols had no real talent for building, anyway. Plague and famine and disintegration followed the Mongol incursion. Places they conquered sometimes had to be re-subdued. The city of Mosul, which had submitted almost eagerly to Mongol rule at first, changed its attitude afterward, when a new malik, or prince, came to power there.
Under his leadership the inhabitants of Mosul—Kurds, Arabs, and some tribal people—rebelled and forted themselves up behind the city walls, and the Mongols put them under siege. After his forces finally took the city, he ordered the malik to be brought to him. Then he had the malik fastened tightly inside a fresh sheepskin and left in the sun, where vermin ate him alive for a month until he died.
Hulagu ruled his domains as il-khan not from Iraq but from western Persia and the city of Maragha. His governing style seems to have been a combination of the savage and the practical. When some of his subjects came before him complaining of a maker of files who had killed one of their relatives, he took the matter under consideration. He inquired first about the number of makers of files in his territories and found they were few. Mongols needed files.
A file was part of the basic equipment of every Mongol soldier, essential for keeping his arrows sharp. On further inquiry Hulagu learned that the number of pack-saddle makers, however, was large. He then informed the plaintiffs that they could have their revenge, but it must be on a maker of pack saddles rather than on the offending maker of files. When the plaintiffs objected, Hulagu got rid of them by giving them a cow. Hulagu had epilepsy, and its seizures increased in frequency as he got older. In he became troubled at the appearance of a comet. He never recovered from this portent, and in February of , possibly as a result of a seizure, he died.
Beautiful maidens were sacrificed to accompany him in his tomb. Dokuz-khatun, his Christian wife, died four months later. He was about forty-eight years old. The dynasty of Hulagid il-khans ruled until about Afterward, there followed a period of unrest and rebellions, with struggles between Turks and Persian Mongols for power in Baghdad. Then, in , the unhappy city, always prone to disasters, suffered another huge one: Timur-Lenk, or as Westerners called him Tamerlane.
This Turkic tribal leader from the vicinity of Samarkand was not himself a Mongol, though he admired and emulated the Mongols. He was a devout Muslim, a student of the Koran, one of the best chess players of his day, and a remorseless general whose cruelty shocked even the troops he led. In , he came to Baghdad and went comparatively easy on it because the inhabitants did not resist. In , however, they did, and Tamerlane gave the city a trashing that finished off most of what the Mongols had overlooked. When his forces took Baghdad, he spared almost no one, and ordered that each of his ninety thousand soldiers bring him a head some sources say two or lose his own life.
The thousands of heads were piled into towers. Tamerlane also said not to destroy hospitals and mosques, a small concession by a Muslim to the former capital of his faith. Nonetheless, thanks to him and to Hulagu, almost no architecture from the golden days of Harun al-Rashid has survived.
Many Muslims believe that the Mongol destruction of Baghdad and of the caliphate was the worst misfortune ever to befall Islam. Historical speculations about what might have been if the disaster had never occurred go in various directions, some tending toward the wild. Recently, when TV stations everywhere were replaying the video of a U.
In the category of inflicters of death and destruction upon the city of Baghdad, Cheney and Powell Gulf War I are somewhere on a crowded list, not at its top. If he really believes what he said, though, you can kind of follow his logic: America equals the Mongols; the Mongols spared no one; therefore any violence against such a scourge is justified. Who knows just what or where the hinge of history will turn out to be, or in which direction it will swing? It does not routinely destroy everything in its path and leave only ruins and corpses and jackals behind. I mean, come on.
A major force of British troops remained in Iraq until After independence, the unrest and assassinations and street violence continued with a sporadic persistence that was hard to keep track of. Early in the Second World War, a coup by Iraqi Army officers sympathetic to the Nazis led to another British invasion, and a reinstallation of the young king and his regent, whom the coup had run out. Iraq sent troops to every Arab war against Israel and never made peace afterward; formally, it has been in a continuous state of war with Israel since In , another military coup killed the king, Faisal II, and all his family.
Then, in , assassins from the Baath Party killed the general who had led the coup. The smartest and most murderous among the Baathists turned out to be Saddam Hussein. Less than a year after General Maude made his proclamation, he died in Baghdad of cholera, possibly brought on by drinking unpasturized milk in his coffee at a celebration in his honor. Maude had been right, and historically well informed, to say that Baghdad and environs had never recovered since Hulagu.
That Iraq would be an even bigger mess in the century to come was a development he probably did not foresee. Major long-distance routes, both by sea and by land, converge in it; its geography let Hulagu and Tamerlane, not to mention Arabs and Turks and Persians and Egyptian Mamelukes and more, go breezing through. Mongol horsemen did not like trees tangling them up and annoying them. To American planners of the current war, Iraq looked like the perfect theatre for the lighter and faster military forces they favored. Easy-to-get-to places eventually are subject to whatever power happens to be abroad in the world.
America was lucky for centuries to have oceans as obstacles on either side. Everything important seemed to be here; troubles elsewhere could be safely ignored. When guests came to visit from out of town, I sometimes brought them to the observation deck on the top of World Trade Tower No. As we stood looking, we were in America, and only there.
Never for a minute did I think we were actually in the world. En aquel entonces, me encontraba realizando investigaciones sobre un libro que mencionaba ocasionalmente a los mongoles. Con la hierba como combustible, el imperio mongol puede describirse como una fuerza de matriz solar —un imperio de tierra. Dentro de las superficies terrestres de mayor masa, Iraq es un cruce de caminos importante. Sus espadas eran cortas y a menudo estaban curvadas.
Los guerreros los llevaban ya preparados en estuches parecidos a pistoleras que colgaban de sus cinturones. A la larga, muchas de sus huestes fusionaron sus propias creencias chamanistas con el islam o el budismo predominante en los territorios que invadieron. En general, los mongoles estaban bien organizados. Hulagu se crio y fue educado por un sacerdote cristiano nestoriano. Sin embargo, el nombre de Bagdad fue el que se impuso. Los historiadores posteriores coinciden en que, al menos en este caso, le hicieron un favor al mundo.
No tardaron en abrir una brecha en la muralla exterior. Alrededor de la carpa de Hulagu, la plata, el oro y las joyas se amontonaban en grandes promontorios. Las historias de lo que Hulagu hizo con el califa son muy variadas. Para asegurarse, el general mongol hizo que envolvieran al Califa en una alfombra y lo aplastaran los caballos.
Recientemente, un genetista de la Universidad de Oxford, Dr. Chris Tyler-Smith, junto a otros investigadores de China y Asia Central, tomaron muestras de sangre de pueblos que habitaban en las regiones cercanas al antiguo imperio mongol y estudiaron sus cromosomas Y. Los mongoles tuvieron que volver a sitiarles.
Los defensores decapitaron a los guerreros y arrojaron sus cabezas de vuelta con catapultas. Estas miles de cabezas acabaron amontonadas en varias torres. Empero, si dejamos las emociones a un lado, no es exactamente preciso afirmar que, durante la Primera Guerra del Golfo, Dick Cheney y Colin Powell se comportaran peor que Hulagu en Bagdad.
Puede que las potencias occidentales sean explotadoras y destructivas, pero no juegan en la misma liga que los mongoles. Formalmente, han estado en un continuo estado de guerra desde You are only authorized to use the Services if you agree to abide by all applicable laws and this Agreement. By using the Services, you agree to be bound by this Agreement.
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Cato major; vel, De senectute. Laelius; vel, De amicitia. Paradoxa Stoicorum sex. Consolatio, M. Tullio Ciceroni in quibusdam exemplaribus adscripta --t. Scriptorum fragmenta Accedit Fr. Seconde Partie. Part 2 only. Covers rubbed and marked. Pages cut. Some browning. Marking and rubbing on most pages but the large font lettering is readable throughout First Edition Yapped vellum covers mm x mm 7" x 4". Text in French. Lecture preface is slightly loose but still bound in at bottom end. Inscribed 'R Atkins ' on rear eps. Bartholomaeus Ambrosinus Subject: Storia naturale - Aldrovandi.
Bologna, Tebaldini, In folio leg. Coriolano, pp. Manca all'inizio una carta bianca ed una lieve gora di circa un cm. Nissen ZBI, Bekostning, Peder Haake Frederik II's Recess Forordning oc Skick Hvad er falsk Eed.
Frederik II's Vilkaar og Artickler. Register til Lowbog. Christian IV's Recess. Holst, Prentet aff Peter Haake De sidste sider med ormehul foroven uden teksttab. Med lille ormehul foroven uden teksttab. Prentet aff Peer Haake Christian III. Obne Breffue. Christian IV. Rigens- Ret. Bircke Retten. Christian IV's Krigs-Artickle. Christian IV Skibs-Artickler. Melchior Martzan Ordinantze Christian IV. Meclhior Martzan Told-Rulle Aff effterskreffne Vare.
Glyckssborg September I, Flesher, and R. Young, for E[phraim].
Text in English, Latin and French. Binding a little worn, corners worn with board showing at tips, top panel to spine repaired, hinges beginning to crack but still holding firmly, 2 margins neatly repaired, small tear to 1 lower margin, paper fault, a few margins slighly dusty, 2 leaves misnumbered, but catch words correct, shallow crease to corner of portrait, not affecting image, last free endpapers torn with loss, other endpaper a little creased and dusty, no pastedowns, title neatly written in old ink on fore-edges, main text clean with the occasional dusty mark to margins, first free endpaper has manuscript notes in old ink and on the verso, "Sir Richard Brownlowe Baronet, his Booke", the leaf has a vertical crease and has a pale stain to outer margin and ink splash, this endpaper was probably inserted from another book as Sir Richard Brownlowe, chief prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas for 47 years and compiler of various works on legal precedents, died in A very good copy.
Lord Coke was particularly conversant with the Statute Law and well skilled in exposition. His Commentary upon the Magna Charta, and particularly on the celebrated 29th Chapter, is deeply interesting to the lawyers of the present age". Contemporary sheep, blind rules to boards, blind fillets to spine. Light rubbing to boards, moderate rubbing to extremities with some chipping to spine ends, corners bumped and lightly worn, joints just starting at ends, pastedowns loose. Some toning to text, early annotations and doodles to pastedowns, interior otherwise clean. Published in the first year of the English Civil War, this handbook outlines procedure, pleading, drafting of briefs, judgment, execution and other topics.
It offers a nice overview of the systems and procedures that would soon be affected by the war and the political changes that ensued. A second edition was published in Both are scarce. Modern calf-backed marbled boards. First published in this a reprint of the second edition of this treatise on the art of determining character by the study of lines on men's foreheads, finely illustrated with small cuts of heads. Such methods of divination wrere especially in vogue in the 16th century, with numerous works on chiromancy, etc.
Libreria Vinciana Seechki, Choix, edition. Justinian I. Blaeu - 16mo. Front board starting. Engraved title. Early modern printing of Justinian's classic code of law. Deduced, 1. From the Meditation of the Comforts attending the Soules receiving of Christ. London Printed by G. Small tear foot of the last but one leaf of the "Table" at the end with loss of a couple of minor words, 16 4 , 20 pp. Alexander Grosse ? Heath Rare Books ]. Leather Bound. In an effort towards conservation, or perhaps a concession to fashion, a nineteenth century owner has covered the boards in printed paper with a wavy design on it.
The binding is sound, with a little bumping to extremities and tenderness to hinges. The armorial bookplate of Sir Charles Mordaunt, Baronet, appears on the verso of the title page. ESTC R Please contact Christian White at Modernfirsteditions if you would like more information about this book.. Modern half calf and marbled boards. Engraved title neatly mounted, some occasional smudges or early small ink smears, small early ink manuscript number in lower margin of A2, old repair to top fore-margin of terminal leaf, a few early ink marginal tics, bound without final blank, early mend to a clean tear at lower blank margin of portrait of Saint Joan, but a good copy.
The portraits were engraved by W. Marshall to accompany this series of character sketches and short essays on characters who might be said to represent both sides of the dichotomy set up in the titles to the two parts. It saw several subsequent editions published in short order. WING F Melancthoni libri IV : quibus adjiciuntur Th.
Young, prostant apud Cornelium Bee - Full vellum leather binding. Tall Folio. Good binding. Cover is good shape, with some soiling.
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Very thick. Minor damp stains, mostly along bottom margin. Internally general good besides. Printed in double columns, with each column numbered consecutively. Red and black title pages. Chip missing and tear on title page. Vander Haeghen, p. This is an oversized or heavy book that requires additional postage for international delivery outside of Canada and the US.
Grande marque de l'imprimeur sur les 2 pages de titre. Faux-titre entre chaque partie du premier livre. Frottements coiffes, mors et coins. Very Good -. Signatures: A-B4. Title within ornamental border; first page of text has engraved head-piece and initial. Inscription in an old hand on the last blank page, possibly relating to the binding of that volume.
Wing 2nd ed. In Very Good- Condition: lower edge of second signature shaved, with partial loss of some letters; title page and last blank page lightly soiled; pages are otherwise clean and bright. Octavo, vellum, pages. Woodcut title vignette. Moderate wear. A fresh copy. Visit here.
Within the Seven Sacraments of the Catholic Church there are two that are directed towards the Salvation of the others. They are two sacraments that their total meaning is reached in the service and delivery to others. These two sacraments are: Holy Orders and Marriage. The man and woman created in the Image and Likeness of God, who is Love and are called by God to live and be witnesses of that love under the sign of unity, fecundity and care for everything created.
Gn 1, When a couple decides to recognize their love in front of the community and receive the blessing of God to start a common project together. To live this vocation of service in an authentic marriage is a great challenge, but with the Love of God at the center of this endeavor, it is also an exciting project. Estos dos sacramentos son: el Orden Sacerdotal y el Matrimonio.