La Rocca delle Ingrate (Italian Edition)

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Witnesses declared that the car was in the street as early as AM, while some witnesses declared that they did not see it before AM. Moro was wearing the same grey clothes he had during the kidnapping. The cravat had several blood stains, [44] traces of sand were found in the pockets and socks, and traces of vegetables were also found. Eventually the terrorists declared that they had intentionally added those traces in order to sidetrack the investigators.

Moro also had a thigh wound, likely suffered during the initial assault in via Fani. Despite the long investigations and trials, the exact details of the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro are not known. Francesco Cossiga , minister of the interior at the time, formed two "crisis committees" on the very day of the kidnapping of Moro. These were:. A third unofficial committee was created which never met officially, called the comitato di esperti "committee of experts".

Its existence was not disclosed until , by Cossiga himself, in his interrogation by the Italian Parliament's Commission about the Moro affair. He omitted to reveal the decisions and the activities of the committee however. Despite these changes, in the months that the kidnapping of Aldo Moro developed and executed, no Secret Service was designed to combat internal subversion. The committees were acting according to old standards: the planning of measures to be taken in case of emergency dating back to the s, and it hadn't been updated even after the alarming growth of terrorism.

Several authorities have suggested that Propaganda 2 P2 was involved in the kidnapping of Aldo Moro.


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During the days of Moro's imprisonment journalist Carmine Pecorelli see also below wrote, in his magazine Osservatorio politico , an article entitled " Vergogna, buffoni! The likely allusion to P2 became clear only after the discovery of a list of the lodge members on 17 March According to Gelli, some members of the committees did not know that some of their colleagues were also part of P2.

On 16 March , the day of Moro's kidnapping, the most important members of P2 met in the Hotel Excelsior in Rome—a few hundred meters from the United States Embassy. While exiting the hotel Gelli declared "the most difficult part is done". It was supposed that his words referred to the abduction of Moro. His presence was kept secret and was only disclosed in during the investigation of the Italian Parliament commission on State Massacres. Guglielmi admitted that he was in via Stresa, but only because he had been invited to lunch by a colleague. According to several sources the colleague confirmed that Guglielmi came to his house, but had not been invited.

Furthermore, Italians normally have lunch at around and Guglielmi's presence at around AM would be not justified. The discovery of the BR refuge in via Gradoli see also below saw the participation of members of both P2 and the police forces of Italy. It turned out that those noises interpreted as MORSE code were in fact coming from the electric typewriter used by the Terrorists BR to type their demand letters. She informed police commissar Elio Coppa, enlisted in the Propaganda Due, but when police agents went to the flat and knocked on the door, strangely they did not attempt to enter it and left the place instead.

Investigations made by DIGOS discovered that several machines used by the terrorists to print their communications from one year before the kidnapping of Moro, which was financed by Moretti, had been previously owned by the Italian state. A photocopier was previously owned by the Ministry of Transportation, acquired in and later sold to Enrico Triaca, a member of BR. The apartment in via Gradoli see below [58] had been rented by Mario Moretti under the pseudonym of Mario Borghi since The same building housed several apartments owned by SISDE men and one inhabited by a police confidant. During the days of the kidnapping the palace was inspected by Carabinieri under colonel Varisco, with the exclusion of Moretti's apartment—the official justification was that the Carabinieri were not authorized to enter the apartments if no one was inside.

The owner of the apartment, Luciana Bozzi, was later discovered to be a friend of Giuliana Conforto, whose father was named in the Mitrokhin list of the KGB. Morucci and Faranda were eventually arrested in her flat. Pecorelli wrote a postcard to Moretti in from Ascoli Piceno Moretti was born in the province of Ascoli , addressing it to one "Borghi at via Gradoli", with the message "Greetings, brrrr".

Moro was killed the following day. Carlos stated that the officers involved in the attempt were all expelled from the services, being forced to resign or to go into compulsory retirement on a pension. In Giovanni Galloni, former national vice-secretary of Christian Democracy, said that during a discussion with Moro about the difficulty to find the Red Brigades' bases Moro told him that he knew of the presence of US and Israeli intelligence agents infiltrated within the BR.

However the information obtained was not given to the Italian investigators. He also declared that the reason of the assassination of journalist Carmine Pecorelli was the same information, perhaps coming from the United States. During an interview in front of the Italian parliament commission on terrorism Galloni also stated that, during his trip to the United States in , he had been told that a government like that envisaged by Moro, which would include the Communist presence, would be opposed at "any cost" by the American Republicans.

During the trial against the BR Moro's widow, Eleonora Chiavarelli, declared that her husband was unpopular in the United States due to the historic compromise matter, and that he had been repeatedly warned by American politicians to stop disrupting the political situation which had been established in the Yalta conference in reference to the possible executive role of the Italian Communist Party. According to her Henry Kissinger was one of the American personalities who menaced Moro in and Here, or you stop doing this thing, or you will be badly punished.

Kissinger denied these accusations. Alberto Franceschini , one of the founders of BR, mentioned the possibility that the Red Brigades had been infiltrated by Israeli agents as early as He reported a confidence told to him by co-founder Renato Curcio , according to whom Mario Moretti would be an infiltrated agent. Curcio has always denied this reconstruction. Moretti took the reins of the Red Brigades after Franceschini and Curcio were arrested in the mids, introducing a far stronger militarization of the organization's activities.

Moretti, in the Italian RAI TV programme La notte della Repubblica denied these accusations, saying that he had never seen an Israeli in his life and that it was wrong to think that the change of RB's strategy depended from the arrest of some militants. He also added:. The hypothesis that the Red Brigades have been manipulated by anyone is a thesis dear to the conspiracy, which would divide the RB into good and bad. In response the Italian police looked in vain for Moro under the iced surface of the lake. The authors of the false communication included Antonio Chichiarelli, a notorious forger from Rome who was connected to the Banda della Magliana gang of the city.

Chichiarelli would later issue further false communications from the Red Brigades. In the same day that the police force found an apartment used as a base by the Red Brigades in Rome, on via Gradoli The discovery was allegedly due to a water leak for which a neighbour had called the firemen.

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The leak was caused by a tap left open in the apartment's shower in an unusual fashion, i. The base was normally used by Mario Moretti but the Italian media reported the discovery immediately and he avoided returning there. As previously mentioned, the palace had been inspected by Carabinieri under colonel Varisco, with the exclusion of Moretti's apartment: the official justification was that the Carabinieri were not authorized to enter the apartments if no one was inside.

The owner of the apartment, Luciana Bozzi, was later discovered to be a friend of Giuliana Conforto, whose father was named in the Mitrokhin list of the KGB , and in whose apartments Morucci and Faranda were later arrested. The commissar who had led Rome's police forces in the inspection of the building on via Gradoli, Elio Coppa, was eventually promoted to vice-director of SISDE—he later turned out to be a member of P2.

Before, and after , numerous apartments in the street had been used by Italian secret agents, including a Carabinieri NCO enrolled by SISMI who resided in the building facing that of Moretti and who was from the same birthplace. Mino Pecorelli, already mentioned for his likely knowledge of the presence of Moretti in via Gradoli, was one of the few journalists to immediately deny the authenticity of "Communication No.

Some 30 years after the events Steve Pieczenik, an expert on terrorism of the US State Department, declared in an interview that the decision to issue the false communication was taken during a meeting of the crisis committee, present at which were Francesco Cossiga, members of the Italian intelligence agencies and Franco Ferracuti as previously mentioned, a member of P2. The alleged goal was to prepare the Italian and European audience for the likely death of Moro in the kidnapping. He however stated that it would be ignored if the communication had been actually issued.

It was also supposed that Moro had told his kidnappers of the existence of Operation Gladio , many years before its public revelation in From this point of view the false "Communication No. Judge Ferdinando Imposimato considered Andreotti's theory as "possible", but accused him of having kept information that could have been valuable in a trial about Moro's murder.

Moro's widow later declared that she had repeatedly informed the police that a via Gradoli existed in Rome, but the investigators did not consider it — some replied to her that the street did not appear in Rome's maps. In the years following Moro's murder there have been numerous references to the presence of Calabrian 'ndrangheta at via Fani. In an intercepted phone call between Sereno Freato, then Moro's personal secretary, and Benito Cazora , a DC parliament member who had been given the task to keep contacts with the Calabrian gangs, Freato asks for news about the prison of Moro.

The 'ndrangheta was in possession of several photos of the events in via Fani, some of which allegedly portrayed a "man known by them". According to what was reported by Cazora in some members of the 'ndrangheta, who had been expelled from Calabria, had offered their assistance to the Christian Democracy to discover the location of Moro, in exchange for the possibility to return to their homeland.

However this collaboration never materialized. In a deposition made at trial Raffaele Cutolo , then leader of the Neapolitan camorra , declared that the Banda della Magliana asked him if he was interested in the liberation of Moro. Cutolo contacted the Italian secret service who replied to him to stay away from the matter, because had vetoed the intermediation for the salvation of the then president of the DC. Morucci concluded: "We weren't a gang I don't see how the Banda della Magliana or anyone could identify the Red Brigades". According to the 'Ndrangheta pentito Francesco Fonti , his boss Sebastiano Romeo was involved in attempts to locate the place where Moro was held.

When he reported back, Romeo said that he had done a good job but that important politicians in Rome had changed their minds. Morabito's revelations were not considered supported by adequate evidence. Journalist Carmine "Mino" Pecorelli , who apparently had several informers in the Italian secret services, [92] spoke repeatedly about the kidnapping of Moro in his magazine Osservatorio Politico or simply OP.

Before the events of via Fani, Pecorelli had already written about the possibility that Moro would be blocked in his attempt to admit the Italian Communist Party into the government. Articles written during the politician's imprisonment show that he already knew of the existence of a memorial the documents written by Moro in his detention and of some of the unpublished letters.

Pecorelli stated that there were two groups within the Red Brigades, one favourable to the negotiations, and one who wanted to kill Moro in any case. He hinted that the group that had captured Moro in via Fani was not the same that was detaining him, and which had planned the whole move. He wrote:. The authors of the massacre of via Fani and of the kidnapping of Aldo Moro are professionals trained in top-level war schools. The killers sent to assault the president's car, instead, could be only unskilled workers recruited on the road.

When the terrorist base in via Gradoli was discovered Pecorelli stressed how in the apartment, different from what could be expected, all the proofs of the BR's presence were clearly displayed. Regarding the kidnapping he wrote that Moro's opening to the Communist Party was not welcome, both by the United States as it would change the political balance of southern Europe, nor by the Soviet Union since this would prove that Communists could reach power democratically, and without being a direct offshoot of any Communist party.

On 20 March Pecorelli was murdered in front of his house. In the Mafia pentito Tommaso Buscetta revealed that the journalist had been eliminated as "a favor to Andreotti", who was preoccupied about some information about Moro's kidnapping in the possession of Pecorelli. The latter had allegedly received from general Dalla Chiesa they were both affiliated or near to P2 a copy of a letter by Moro which contained dangerous accusations against Andreotti; the journalist had hinted about them in some previous articles. The unabridged letters were published only in when, together with others, it was discovered during renovation works in via Nevoso only a resume of them, the so-called Memoriale Moro , had been previously issued.

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The fact that Moro's letters were circulating before is proven by a speech held by Bettino Craxi , leader of the Italian Socialist Party PSI , in which he mentioned a letter which had not been officially published at the time. The fact was considered a subtle menace against Andreotti in the war for the supreme political power waged between PSI and DC at the time. Andreotti underwent a trial for his role in the assassination of Pecorelli.

He was acquitted in the first grade trial , [96] condemned in the second , [97] and finally acquitted by the Italian Supreme Court Pecorelli, in an article written the very day of his assassination, hinted to the role of opera composer Igor Markevitch see below in the kidnapping. Steve Pieczenik was an American negotiatior and expert in terrorism who was sent by the US State Department, at the request of Cossiga, and remained in Italy for three weeks during Moro's detention.

He later collaborated with Tom Clancy as a novel and cinematic writer.


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His presence in Italy as a member of one of the previously mentioned "crisis committees" was revealed only in the early s. Pieczenik had written to a relation in which he spoke about the possible effects of Moro's abduction, the possibility that the Red Brigades had been infiltrated by Italian agents, and also gave advice about how to find the terrorists. Eventually however, Pieczenik declared that this relation was false, since the ideas included were similar to those of the P2-affiliated criminologist Francesco Ferracuti, another member of the secret committee.

Pieczenik also stated that he did not release any written document. According to what was revealed by Cossiga and by Pieczenik himself, his initial idea was to show the will to negotiate, with the goal of gaining time and in the hope that the terrorists would make some error from which they could be detected. I found myself in a room with numerous generals and politicians, all people who knew [Moro] well, and Well, I felt that no one of them liked Moro or appreciated him as a person, including Cossiga.

It was clear that I was not speaking with his allies. I knew it because there were people who — including the BR themselves — were releasing declarations which could stem only from within our group. I and Cossiga. But the leakage did not stop. Pieczenik also declared that, once returned to the United States, he met an alleged Argentinian secret agent who knew everything that had happened at the Italian crisis committee. Pieczenik explained the leak to Argentina with the presence in the committee of numerous members of the P2 lodge, which had strong ties with the South American country its founder Licio Gelli had lived for a period there.

I soon understood the true intentions of the actors in the game: the [Italian] right wanted the death of Moro, the Red Brigades wanted him alive, while the Communist Party, due to its hardline political position, was not going to negotiate. Francesco Cossiga, from his side, wanted him alive and well, but numerous forces in the country had radically different programs. At the same time it was desirable that Moro's family did not start a parallel negotiation, averting the risk that he could be released too soon. But I recognized that, pushing my strategy to its extreme consequences, I should perhaps sacrify the hostage for the stability of Italy.

At his arrival in Italy Pieczenik had been informed by Cossiga and the Vatican intelligence services that there had been a coup attempt in Italy in previous months, led by right-winged personalities of the intelligence services and of P2. With the help of the Vatican intelligence, which he considered superior to the Italian one, he investigated such infiltrations, but no measures were taken.

Pieczenik also declared that he participated in the decision to issue the false "Communication No. Pieczenik explained his premature return to the US with the desire to avoid the accusations of American pressure behind the now likely death of Moro.

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Russian composer and conductor Igor Markevitch has also been purported to have helped the kidnappers, housing them in his villa at Florence and perhaps preparing the questions made to Moro. His residence in Rome faced via Michelangelo Caetani Markevitch had married the daughter of the nobleman after whom the street was named , where Moro's body was found after he was killed. They were stopped by an unspecified "superior intervention" allegedly coming from the agency's director, Giuseppe Santovito, a member of P2.

Markevitch has been also identified as the "mysterious intermediary" mentioned by the Red Brigades in their Communication No.

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In the article written the very day in which he was killed, Mino Pecorelli, speaking of the "prison of the people" where Moro was kept, mentioned a palace having a frieze with lions and located in the centre of Rome; and described a duchess who could see the body of Moro from her balcony. The Caetani palace in which Markevitch and his wife lived had a bas-relief of two lions biting two horses. In the course of Moro's capture the terrorists fired 93 bullets. These killed all the five members of the escort but left Moro with only a light wound in his thigh.

Despite this apparent precision, members of the BR such as Valerio Morucci declared that they had only a rough shooting training, obtained by firing their weapons in grottoes at night. However several writers and observers suggested that the ambushers of via Fani included a marksman. A witness reporting on 19 April at Rome's Prefecture declared that he had recognized De Vuono driving a green Austin Mini or Autobianchi A on the location of the massacre. De Vuono, who was affiliated to the 'Ndrangheta Calabrian mafia , on that day was not in his usual residence in southern Paraguay at the time under the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner.

Several members of the Red Brigades declared that their weapons were acquired from the Calabrian gangland, amongst others; further, it has been proved that members of DC got in touch with Calabrian gangsters to obtain a help in the liberation of Moro. The identity of the alleged marksman has been also associated to the German terrorist group RAF. Another witness of the events in via Fani declared that some thirty minutes before the ambush a foreigner with German accent had addressed him, ordering to go away from the area.

Since some of the ammunition used for the massacre had been treated with a special preserving paint which was also found in some secret depots related to the Gladio undercover organization , it has been suggested that these would come from some Italian military or paramilitary corps. Journalist Rita di Giovacchino suggests that Moro was not in via Fani during the massacre, but had been taken prisoner by another organization and that the Red Brigades acted only as "front men". This would explain their reticence and the incongruity of their declarations about the whole kidnapping from the ambush, to the presence of sand on Moro's body.

According to her, this would also explain the sibylline remark pronounced by Sereno Freato, first secretary of Aldo Moro, when Carmine Pecorelli see above was also found dead: "Investigate on the instigators of Pecorelli 's murder, and would find the instigators of Moro's murder". Allegedly killed by the Red Brigades in , although in circumstances never clear, Antonio Varisco had been at the helm of the investigation on the BR base in via Gradoli; he was also a friend of general Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa also murdered for never completely understood reasons , as well as of Pecorelli.

The use made by BR of printing machines once owned by the Italian intelligence, according to di Giovacchino, shows that the latter were likely the organization behind all these bloody acts. Mario Moretti declared that he was studying Moro's daily moves since Every morning the politician went with his grandson to a church near his house, after which he had a short walk with only one member of the escort. This looked like a more favourable moment to kidnap him, since most of the bodyguards were not present, but was not chosen by the terrorists.

On the morning of his abduction Moro did not bring his grandson with him. After the ambush in via Fani the terrorists took only the most interesting for them of the five bags that Moro carried with him. Those containing the politician's medicines and his reserved documents. In a letter to his wife Moro wrote during captivity he asked her to take care of his bags. Since Moro was surely aware that if his bags had been found in the massacre location, they had been taken by the investigators.

Also the absence from his letter of any word about the victims of via Fani has been taken as an element in favour of the theory that Moro was captured while in his Gladio escort see Involvement of P2, Gladio and of the Italian intelligence services and not in via Fani and so did not know anything about their assassination.

Numerous unanswered questions surround Moro's kidnapping in via Fani: [90]. When he asked his colleagues' opinions about the matter they replied to him that, if it materialized, the presence of the Communists in the executive would cause the loss of international support including financial ones for Italy. Moro was considered a natural candidate for the next President of the Italian Republic , with the ensuing realization of the government alliance between the two parties.

His assassination marked the definitive end of the Historic Compromise. The executive was formed exclusively by members from DC and could govern only with the indirect support of PCI the so-called "non-no confidence". Between and , Italy was involved with a series of events, after the assassination of Moro; on 15 June Giovanni Leone resigned from the presidency of the Republic , ending six months before his term as a result of harsh polemics and attacks on his person. A few weeks later Sandro Pertini was elected with plebiscite vote. In January , Andreotti's cabinet resigned: Pertini entrusted the task to Ugo La Malfa , but the attempt failed and there were new elections.

At successive elections the DC remained stable while the PCI suffered a sharp setback: this result marked the end of the government of national solidarity and the possibility of entry of the Communists in the executive. In the party was disbanded and the DC's last secretary, Mino Martinazzoli , decided to change the name of the party to the Italian People's Party. Moro's murder, evaluated as a historical fact, appeared as the moment of greatest offensive power of the armed party [the terrorists] and, speculatively, as the moment in which the State proved itself unable to give a barely adequate reply to the subversive aggression.

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