La democrazia: Storia di unideologia (Economica Laterza) (Italian Edition)

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La stampa italiana tra fascismo e antifascismo Rome: Carocci, Baldoli, Claudia. Exporting Fascism. Battente, Saverio. Alfredo Rocco. Dal nazionalismo al fascismo, Milan: Franco Angeli, Bell, Duncan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Bevione, Giuseppe. Turin: Bocca, Come siamo andati a Tripoli. Biagini, Eugenio F. Milan: Guerini, , Bosworth, R. Italy and the Wider World London: Routledge, London: Arnold, London: Allen Lane, Brendon, Piers. The Decline and Fall of the British Empire: — London: Jonathan Cape, Bryce, James.

Oxford: Oxford University Press, Buruma, Ian. Anglomania: A European Love Affair. New York: Random House, Cagnetta, Mariella. Antichisti e Impero fascista. Bari: Dedalo, Calderoni, Mario. Il Regno, 1 8, Cammarano, Fulvio. Capozzi, ed. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, , Canali, Mauro.

Canfora, Luciano.

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Ideologie del classicismo. Turin: Einaudi, La democrazia. Rome-Bari: Laterza, Le vie del classicismo. I giorni di Roma. Cerasi, Laura. Modern Italy, 7 1, Collotti, Enzo. Fascismo e politica di potenza. Politica estera, Florence: La Nuova Italia, Costruire lo Stato forte. Politica, diritto, economia in Alfredo Rocco. Dalla Volta, Riccardo.

Palermo: San- dron, Darwin, John. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, De Cristofaro, Ernesto. Codice della persecuzione.

I giuristi e il razzismo nei regimi nazista e fascista. Turin: Giappichelli, Demolins, Edmond. Paris: Firmin- Didot, Paris: Firmin-Didot, De Napoli, Olindo. La prova della razza. Cultura giuridica e razzismo in Italia negli anni Trenta. Florence: Le Monnier, Earl of Cromer Evelyn Baring. Ancient and Modern Imperialism. London: John Murray, Edwards, Catharine, ed. Ferrero, Guglielmo. Studi e viaggi nei paesi del Nord. Milan: Treves, Forges Davanzati, Roberto. Cronache del Regime. Milan: Mondadori, Forno, Mauro. Informazione e potere. Storia del giornalismo italiano, Rome-Bari: Laterza, Il Marzocco, 4 4.

Gayda, Virginio. Gentile, Emilio. La grande Italia. Ascesa e declino del mito della nazione nel ven- tesimo secolo. Alfredo Rocco: dalla crisi del parlamentarismo alla costruzione dello Stato nuovo. Il mito di Roma. Da Carlo Magno a Mus- solini. Gibelli, Antonio. Il popolo bambino.

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Hall, Catherine. Cambridge: Polity, Hall, Catherine and Rose, Sonya O. Roman Officers and English Gentlemen. The Imperial Origins of Roman Archaeology. London-New York: Routledge, Howe, Stephen. Ricerche di Storia Politica, 3 , Howe, Stephen, ed. The New Imperial Histories Reader. Hyam, Ronald. Understanding the British Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, Rome: Istituto Nazio- nale Cultura Fascista, Quaderni di divulgazione, 1 2.

Levine, Philippa. The British Empire: Sunrise to Sunset. Harlow: Longman, Louis, Wm. Roger editor-in-chief. The Oxford History of the British Empire. Lucas, C. Greater Rome and Greater Britain. Oxford: Clarendon, Mack Smith, Denis. Harmondsworth: Penguin, Magee, Gary B. Malagodi, Olindo. Studii inglesi.

Mangoni, Luisa. Una crisi fine secolo. Premio Elba Nominee Other Editions Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about La democrazia. Storia di un'ideologia , please sign up. Be the first to ask a question about La democrazia. Storia di un'ideologia. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. More filters. Sort order. Jan 20, Gauss74 rated it really liked it Shelves: laterza , filosofia-politica. E fortunatamente Laterza materiale utile per farsi una opinione profonda e consapevole ne mette a disposizione parecchio, a partire da questo "Democrazia.

Storia di un' ideologia" di Luciano Canfora. Secondo Canfora per capire a che punto siamo del cammino quando guardiamo alle nostre istituzioni, dobbiamo distinguere tre classi di persone. Chi ha diritto di voto, chi pur non potendo votare resta libero ai giorni nostri: gode dei diritti civili , chi pur vivendo in mezzo a noi vive da schiavo. Utilizzando questi tre parametri il grande storico pugliese parte da Atene e dalla sua costituzione di Clistene per arrivare alla esportazione della "democrazia" da parte degli USA di George W.

Le spinte a restringere il diritto di voto su base censitaria sono sempre state fortissime: solo i ricchi hanno tempo e risorse per dedicarsi alla politica in modo competente, si diceva nella Grecia antica. Anche oggi il tema della competenza di una eventuale classe dirigente che venga troppo dal basso viene tirato fuori troppo spesso.

Questo il primo problema quindi. E' il caso del colonialismo. Non stupisce che le uniche nazioni rimaste democratiche negli anni trenta Francia ed Inghilterra fossero quelle che possedevano immensi imperi coloniali.

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Le conseguenze di questo inganno sono sotto gli occhi di tutti. Anche se le conclusioni di stampo apparentemente trotskista di Canfora mi lasciano ovviamente perplesso, a fine libro sembra che effettivamente non se ne esca. L'ideale democratico richiede di allargare al massimo il suffragio e la partecipazione alla politica, ma questo aumenta i rischi di derive dittatoriali esplicite od occulte da parte del potere economico o del geniale populista di turno, quando non di entrambi.

Il doveroso allargamento del suffragio e della partecipazione alla politica deve essere coniugato con una costante attenzione alla responsabilizzazione ed alla diffusione della cultura, insieme ad un diuturno sforzo di lotta al populismo. Prendiamo un bel respiro e rimbocchiamoci le maniche.

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View all 8 comments. Shelves: general-politics , history , marxism , philosophy. A bizarre but enlightening ideological journey from Periclean Athens through the French and October revolution, eventually bumping into the tail end of post-USSR Europe.


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Written by a eurocommunist, it differs starkly from more orthodox third-internationalists in its portrayal of Marx and Engels' politics in emphasizing the contingent nature of a revolutionary programme - Engels is supposed to have judged barricades in the streets as a "superseded" stage by the end of his life, compared to the pr A bizarre but enlightening ideological journey from Periclean Athens through the French and October revolution, eventually bumping into the tail end of post-USSR Europe.

Written by a eurocommunist, it differs starkly from more orthodox third-internationalists in its portrayal of Marx and Engels' politics in emphasizing the contingent nature of a revolutionary programme - Engels is supposed to have judged barricades in the streets as a "superseded" stage by the end of his life, compared to the promise of parliamentary proportional representation. This, of course, has its roots in the history of the Italian CP, which simultaneously held much more power and was much more compromised than other West- European CPs.

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The book's German publisher banned it for discussing the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in the manner that does not agree with the vision of the EU. Nevertheless, the most fascinating aspect of Democracy in Europe is the "dialectical" analysis it provides of democracy in its various historical incarnations. Athens is characterized as a society that exploited its slaves perhaps more harshly than the "oligarchic" Sparta, "democracy" was something first established in Asia Minor, and in any case most Athenian rulers were very wary of the practice: democracy was to be restricted to citizens, and citizenship was an exclusive status that few could attain.

Indeed, the most "democratic" agents, who struggled to expand citizenship beyond the small oligarchical circles it was accepted in, were tried and punished for dangerous, "illegal" activities.


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And yet, the idea of Athenian democracy kept inspiring modern idealists. In Europe, "democracy" became a tug-of-war between "liberty" for the powerful and "equality" and hence the power of the powerless. The victory over fascism forced western Europe to incorporate many concessions to "equality" some of which were directly inspired by the Stalin constitution of the thirties such as the precedence of the state over private property, which took on a specifically anti-fascist character.

From the Cold War onwards, "efficiency" came to sideline "equality" and camouflaged the vastly increased "liberty" of economic elites behind supranational organisations and pacts. The anti-fascist nature of constitutions is being dismantled step by step. None of this is too new. What the book does well, however, is point out the importance of proportional representation which allows socialist movements to attain their grandest reach in bourgeois nations, while simultaneously forbidding them from exercising it within marxist history. It frames the burgeoning "mixed systems" as in, a mixture of democracy and "continuity" as a curtailment of universal suffrage, which the ruling classes have tended meticulously to ever since they allowed it in the first place.

Both result in a playing field biased against the weak and the new and force principles to make way for the reality of the few choices allowed by vested interests. All of this should, however, be enclosed within a big caveat : Canfora himself agrees that Having cleared the air of this startlingly original stroke of wit, perhaps we should, with hindsight, consider the history of European electoral systems after the Second World War as a progressive dismantling of universal suffrage. Why is it important to dredge up Engels' comments, once made superfluous by Lenin, if electoralism, once inefficient, is now totally useless since the predominance of the "mixed system"?

It correctly emphasizes the progressive nature of the various "people's democracies", which, ironically, by openly declaring one class unfit to govern, included much broader strata of voters than liberal democracies did and still do. But the USSR, established by barricades and blood, is gone. For Canfora, communism is unlikely in Europe: its "global perspective" is no longer attractive to first-world workers, as their welfare is supposedly dependent on the exploitation of the third world.

Is this not simply third-worldism? Is this entire eurocommunist "reformist" screed, heavy on Popular Fronts and the danger of ultra-leftism but light on revolution, still marxist? Was Hoxha correct? Lots to think about, many problems diagnosed, some even from original and thought-provoking angles.