Slade Gorton A Half Century in Politics

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Women who worked on his U. Senate staff have formed the Gorton Legacy Group to advance the careers of women in law and politics. It would be inaccurate, however, to call him a feminist. He's gender and color blind. What matters is whether you're smart and willing to work hard. Get A Copy. Hardcover , pages. More Details Other Editions 1. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Slade Gorton , please sign up. Lists with This Book.

This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. Sort order. Jul 27, Jim Keough rated it it was amazing. A Remarkable man and John Hughes does a good job of capturing Slade's accomplishments, beliefs, and methods. There are many 5 - 8 page chapters in the biography in which full books have been written about. Makes me want to read other books by Hughes on other Washington figures, most notably, Booth Gardner.

Mar 10, Adam rated it it was amazing Shelves: washington-history. While many local and state-level history projects suffer from amateurism - in research, writing style, and editing - Washington is fortunate to have former newspaperman John Hughes writing books like this one. Hughes' book is thoroughly researched, full of crisp prose, and utterly honest. He succeeds at driving the narrative forward and keeping the reader engaged. His Gorton biography is very well done and a worthy retelling of an interesting life. View 1 comment.

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There are no discussion topics on this book yet. About John C. John C. Hughes has written widely about Northwest history. While attending the University of Puget Sound in the 's he found a mentor and friend in Northwest historian Murray Morgan. He joined The Daily World in Aberdeen as a reporter and photographer in and moved through the chairs to managing editor 10 years later.

Hughes became the newspaper's editor and publisher in He also received a C. You missed your cue! They might as well have been dead as far as everyone else who was there was concerned. They were no longer part of the human race. Martin presented the worthiest with gold medals. The easiest to earn was for perfect attendance.

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In those days that meant you had your house quarantined. He had to be strapped into his bed because he was going to miss a perfect attendance medal! Martin awarded a General Excellence medal. One boy— at most two—received the coveted award. Slade has his framed. During those years in the choir, I learned to read music, to tell the subtle differences between one chorus and the next and how to tell a good anthem from a yawner. The timbre of his tenor yields hints that his boyhood soprano was lovely.

Gorton was a member of the choir for more than 12 years, sitting in whenever he was home from college, even during law school. There were all kinds of little things I learned from being a member of that choir. Not only does the attitude of discipline and excellence last, but the music appreciation lasts. The first time he heard his mother swear or saw her cry was after the election. Slade was 8. The dining room window of the Gorton home featured a Willkie-for-president sign. When the window was shattered by a brick, the sign went back up with the new window.

In short order, there was another brick, another window and the same sign. Gortons are stubborn. Slade was too young to vote in , but he favored Arthur H. He was for MacArthur. I was for Eisenhower. I went to Dartmouth because my older cousin was sent there for his Navy training. He became an officer and said it was a great place. I was admitted to a couple of smaller schools, but Dartmouth was certainly the only Ivy League School that I applied to and an easy choice when I was Slade at Dartmouth College, accepted. He started college right after high school graduation in and finished his freshman year in January.

Even though the war was over, the draft was still active and college deferments had ended. Slade was drafted in April of Then the demobilizing military decided to discharge draftees early. Gorton served 11 months and five days, which was fortuitous in two respects: The G. At 22, he was indecisive, smitten and silly. Everyone said he should go to law school, so he applied to several and was accepted by two of the very best, Yale and Stanford.

Stanford offered me a full ride, but it never crossed my mind that I would actually go west, so I turned down Stanford too. The fallback position was moving back home to Evanston and starting law school at Northwestern. Supreme Court, Gorton told her his story.

Gorton could have been at Stanford with her and William Rehnquist, a future chief justice. His father was furious. Now he was really on his own. It turned out for the best. He landed a construction job for the summer and learned some important lessons in the workaday world. When school started, he worked a 12—hour weekend shift at the magnificently gothic Riverside Church, running the elevators and mind-. Columbia generously granted him 27 hours of credits for his first year at Northwestern but Gorton was disappointed to learn he had to take Civil Procedure One all over again with the first-year students.

On the first day of class in , Gorton immediately deduced that Professor Michael had subjected his pupils to the same catechism for decades. The professor bowed his head and scanned the list of some students until, aha, he found the one with the most unusual name. Hamburger, have you read the cases assigned for this, your first day of class? And would you give me the name of the first case you were assigned to read? And would you tell me who the plaintiff was in that case?

And would you tell me how you know Jones was the plaintiff? The appellant, in fact, is the party who files the appeal—the loser of the original trial.


Hamburger was the man of the hour. One of its stars in the s was Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. Supreme Court is the stuff of legends. Gorton was assigned to work for Elliot Richardson, who reportedly had posted the fourth-highest grades in the history of Harvard Law School. It was a humbling experience to work for someone so brilliant and charismatic.

Several Northwest journalists observed that Gorton seemed a clone of the slender, cerebral Richardson. He turned it down, with no regrets. One of the stars of the five-day drama was Don Eastvold, a 32—yearold lawyer from Tacoma. Tall and handsome, Eastvold had been a moot court champion at the University of Washington Law School. Now he was running for attorney general. The stakes were much higher when the party convened in Chicago in July.

Eisenhower and Taft were virtually deadlocked for the nomination. A decisive battle erupted over the credentials of the pro-Taft Georgia delegation. Gorton and some 70 million other Americans watched Eastvold give a dynamic nominating speech for the next president of the United States. Eastvold became the youthful face of Republican politics in Washington State. As it was, it was a nice goodbye. For a nickel, he invested in a copy of the Post-Intelligencer and found an ad in the classifieds for a boarding house in the University District.

The biggest had about 30 lawyers, which struck Gorton as ideal. Better yet, Seattle society—unlike Boston—was open to newcomers. The bar exam cram course was beginning that very night. The instructor extended his hand. Would you like to spend the weekend at my house? It was just Dartmouth; that was the only connection. Although his parents had moved to Boston, Slade was still under the jurisdiction of the Evanston Draft Board.

The easiest person in the world to draft was someone who no longer voted or lived there, so he showed up on their radar the minute his deferment ended with his graduation from law school. Gorton passed the bar and received a reserve commission in the Air Force around mid-October of , with orders to report to the JAG School in Alabama during the first week of January. But his draft notice ordered him back to active duty with the Army in late December.

The choice between cloud counting as a private or lawyering as a lieutenant was instantaneous. He pleaded his case with the Air Force, which back-dated his induction to Dec. Sheft, a Jewish kid from Brooklyn who went to Yale. Sloppy, brash and brilliant, Lenny had a French wife who could work wonders with leftovers.

Slade and three other single officers were living together off base. Monique, who had barely eluded the Nazis, became their worldly ex-officio big sister. Stationed in Oklahoma, the kid went home on leave to the mountains of North Carolina to see his girl and failed to report back as prescribed.

The Air Police cuffed him without resistance and deposited him at Polk, the closest Air Force base, where he was charged with desertion. AWOL, a lesser charge, is absence without official leave. Desertion is absence without leave without the intent to return. With AWOL they tap you on the wrist, maybe give you 30 days and put you back on duty. For desertion, in those days, you got two or three years in the federal pen.

Lieutenant Gorton put the kid on the stand and he told his story. Not guilty of desertion. A ticket from Rockingham to Oklahoma City cost only 15 bucks. Gorton was released from active duty in the summer of , arriving back in Seattle just before the primary election. He met the Pritchard brothers, Dan Evans and a whole crew of other bushy-tailed young Republicans, and plunged head-first into Washington politics. They told him Don Eastvold was a bum. The Pritchard brothers seemed to know everyone who was anyone. Mother voted for Willkie, a former Democrat. In any case, by they all liked Ike—and Governor Arthur Langlie.

The Republicans had their work cut out. Langlie was challenging U. Senator Warren Magnuson. Don Eastvold was running for governor. After a controversial term as attorney general, Eastvold now found himself in a surprisingly tight primary battle with Emmett Anderson, the lieutenant governor. A decent fellow, Anderson unfortunately had all the charisma of an Elks Club exalted ruler, which he was. Eastvold, however, was a heavy drinker and womanizer, which offended Langlie, the Pritchards and their new friend, Gorton.

Denounced by Langlie, Eastvold lost in the primary to Anderson, who went down to defeat in November at the hands of State Senator Al Rosellini, the first Italian Catholic governor west of the Mississippi. Magnuson, meantime, crushed Langlie in a no-holds-barred contest one. Regional problems required regional solutions, Ellis said. Traffic and sprawl would only get worse if myopic fiefdoms were allowed to persist. Ellis advocated land-use planning, new parks, greenbelts and rapid transit. It would take years to achieve, in fits and starts, but he was a resilient visionary.

In truth, he was winging it. So I learned an awful lot about public speaking during those Metro campaigns. I got to go to places where the vote was going to be five- or six-to-one against it. The second time around, they were victorious. In the late s, a rapid transit bond issue was the major casualty. The visit led to a close call with a scandal that could have derailed his political career. It was the height of the TV quiz show craze. Monique leaned over her salad and wagged her fork. You ought to be on Twenty One. Lenny knows the producer. Lenny, call the producer!

Gorton aced a test for prospective contestants. Gorton went home, with instructions to call the studio next time he was in town. In April, he was back. They invited Gorton to appear on their new daytime show, Tic-Tac-Dough. She also learned that the next contestant was a Phi Beta Kappa lawyer. Gorton called his boss and asked if he could stay a few more days.

A year later, a letter arrived from the game-show producer. What the hell did that mean? Of course I qualify. Six months later, a huge scandal erupted. Fuming about his loss to the more telegenic Van Doren, Stempel blew the whistle. The show was fixed. Van Doren repeatedly denied it but came clean when he was hauled before a congressional committee. In the legislative session, R.

Greive had deftly politicized a League of. Women Voters initiative intended to reform the process. One of the few crumbs that filtered down to the Republicans was a new North Seattle district with no incumbents.

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  6. Gorton asked Dan Evans for advice. Also enthusiastic were the Pritchards. Slade found a place to live in the 46th, then sought the blessings of his bosses. Pen Miller ran interference for me. Why make him disaffected? Let him go ahead and do it and get it out of his system. She was very smart and very attractive, with a pert pageboy and a confident air. They met on Feb. I foolishly followed him down slopes that were way too steep for me. He could talk about something other than cars and football, which is about all other fellows liked to talk about. He was so intelligent and knew about so many things.

    He grew on me, and little by little those other guys fell by the wayside. The honeymoon was over. The new Mrs. Gorton understood politics. Then they would go to the polls and cancel each other out. First at the Yakima HeraldRepublic and then at the Times, she had interviewed the wives of many well known politicians. Gorton Family Album. I had several hundred potential workers and donors in my district as a result. Slade and I did the same thing for the 46th district.

    Being a newcomer, he knew only a handful but I knew quite a few, having lived close by. The crop of greater Seattle Republican freshmen also included James Andersen, an ex-infantryman who was gutsy and smart. Chuck Moriarty, an ambitious lawyer elected to the House with Evans two years earlier, Slade holds a postcard from his first was appointed to the Senate during run for the Legislature in Slade sort of has to grow on you.

    He was not bashful about anything and very talented. He could kind of joke his way into almost any circumstance. Evans decided to run for assistant minority leader. How old are you? Johnston invited Gorton and Pritchard to his imposing Spokane home for more mentoring. We came down to make some changes. Youth must be served, just not that year. They regrouped and emerged even more determined.

    For the session, Moriarty and Pritchard rented a house just up the street from the Capitol. There was room for four. Evans, not yet married, made it a threesome. Who else could they get? They had wisely arranged for a cleaning lady. Slade and I had the master bedroom and the other guys were upstairs. We went out to dinner practically every night and they talked politics. They were so young; so full of energy to change things. State Reps. House and Senate and the State Supreme Court.

    Moriarty was the only political dropout. Washington State Archives. I would work my way to an answer logically, step-bystep. Some defied translation, whether by sheer bureaucratic turgidity or design. This irritated Gorton to no end. There was a shoe shine stand, manned by a stereotypically affable Negro, outside the House chambers.

    Inside, practically everyone but Gorton and Evans was smoking incessantly. Chet King of Pacific County still had his spittoon. The lobbyists could be on the floor until 15 minutes before a session started and an hour afterwards. Gorton and Pritchard, being freshmen, were way back by the water fountain, watching how the lobbyists operated down in front. He liked gas wars. The upshot was that the bill would not allow gas stations to post their prices anywhere but on the pump.

    In one of his first speeches, Gorton argued forcefully for free enterprise and the American consumer. Now it required a two-thirds vote to go from the second reading to the third on the same day. Lo and behold we got 36 votes against it and the bill died. He was back at his desk in the House chamber the next morning when a lobbyist strolled up. Where do I send your case of booze?

    Here was a guy who presumably had a lot of information on the issue and yet did nothing to inform the person who was fighting it. Doubtless, he then sent a huge bill to his clients. But the problem with the community that hired lobbyists was that you never knew which 10 percent did work. As for the 10 percent side, I think we have probably benefited from the. Its thirst quenched by brazen rumrunners and moonlighting cops, Washington had been one of the least compliant states in the nation.

    With the repeal of the 18th Amendment, states were then given considerable leeway in regulating the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages. Regulation of wine sales was fiercely debated during his 10 years in the Legislature. Most wine drinkers dismissed Washington wines as ghastly stuff that only a wino could swallow. He had strong support from Evans and a number of Democrats, including Wes Uhlman.

    At 26, Uhlman was one of the youngest legislators in America and a future Seattle mayor. Gorton agreed with Ladybird Johnson, the First Lady, that billboards are a blight on the American landscape. He erected a billboard along Interstate 5 that featured Uncle Sam exposing an ever-changing litany of liberal plots to undermine American values. And of course I. When I began my career in the House, the Legislature met only once every two years and for not much more than 60 days, even including a special session. I had no staff at all until my last term when I became the majority leader, at which point I got a secretary and an intern.

    Gorton recognized early on that assembling the Legislature only every other year was becoming an anachronism. When a legislative body meets as long as ours does today, it is almost impossible to have much of another career. As he campaigned for re-election in and worked with the League of Women Voters on a redistricting initiative, Gorton also monitored, with mounting disgust, an Eastern Washington battle that had turned vicious.

    A Democrat whose integrity he admired was in the crosshairs. It also cemented a growing bond of mutual admiration between two ostensibly strange bedfellows, Slade Gorton and Bill Dwyer. Only 33, Dwyer was already one of the sharpest trial lawyers in America.

    Actually, it was three ostensibly strange bedfellows, because it began with John Goldmark. Suntanned and handsome, with a graying crew-cut and muscular arms, he. Goldmark, his vivacious wife Sally and their two young sons had abandoned the East for a ranch with no electricity in the wilds of Okanogan County after John saw combat in the South Pacific as a U. Navy officer during World War II. I loved to debate him in the House because he was an eloquent speaker. He was the best spokesman the Democrats had. John Goldmark, duced Goldmark to his college-age daugh- a Democrat from Okanogan, ter, he asked her all sorts of probing ques- in Washington State tions about her goals, hopes and dreams.

    Smart young people bring out the best in him. In the Democratic primary, Goldmark was challenged from the right in his own party. Donations from the private-power lobby, the John Birch Society and other arch-conservatives boosted his opponent. Frontpage stories and editorials in the local weekly branded him a pinko. Albert F.

    Slade Gorton: A Half Century in Politics

    Canwell, the celebrated s communist hunter from Spokane, appeared at a forum sponsored by the American Legion to warn the locals that the godless Marxist-Leninist menace was burrowing into their midst. Years before meeting John, when she was an idealistic young New Deal worker during the Depression, she had joined the Communist Party. One night when.

    He loved her. Instead of pressuring her to quit the party, he felt certain she would grow out of it. While Goldmark lost his seat in the Legislature, his indignation was intact. If he went away quietly it might usher in a whole new era of red-baiting in Washington politics, he told Dwyer. He wanted to sue for libel. Dwyer and his co-counsel, a facile Okanogan attorney, took the case for no fee and with little hope of winning a sizable judgment. I decided that if I were ever in really big trouble and completely in the right I would want Bill Dwyer to be my lawyer.

    And if I were ever in really, really big trouble and completely in the wrong I would want John Ehrlichman to be my lawyer. The trial began on Nov. Dwyer knew Gorton admired Goldmark. He asked him to be the last in a diverse array of 12 reputation witnesses. There had been no incident in those first three terms that had really tested my character.

    I said yes. I became someone The Seattle Times and other media would pay attention to. But Dwyer was masterful. He never received a cent, however. The U. The Goldmark verdict was reversed. The John Birch Society already viewed the emerging Evans wing of the party as a coven of leftists. The Association of Washington Business was also suspicious.

    The right-wingers funded a candidate against Gorton in the 46th District primary. Only 23, Jim Toevs was clean-cut, articulate and a true believer. Slade was worried. The night before the election, the candidate mobilized hundreds of volunteers to fan out all over the district. Voters awoke to find their front yards dotted with Popsicle sticks that featured a flag and a five-byseven card with a portrait of the candidate and the highlights of his platform. As luck would have it, however, they started out in a neighborhood that was home to two of his most energetic supporters, Fred and Ritajean Butterworth.

    Soon Williams, the Butterworths, Ken McCaffree and several other campaign workers were playing pick-up sticks almost as fast as the little signs went in. Our guys got to the point where it was much easier to yank the stick out of the ground, leave it there and just collect the card. There were neighborhoods that looked like a kindling truck had crashed. Toevs and several supporters screeched to the curb at the Gortons and piled out.

    They agree that they went nose to nose. Gorton had campaigned relentlessly. He defeated Toevs two-to-one and went on to easily win re-election in November. Fifteen years later, when Goldmark was stoically fighting lymphoma, Gorton spoke at a recognition dinner in Seattle for John and Sally Goldmark. That the character and the courage of the individual within our system counted for far more than anything else. House Bill was introduced by Olympia Republican Harry Lewis and other supporters of private power early in the session. It mandated a vote of the people before a public utility district could acquire the operating assets of an investor-owned utility.

    Notable among the Democrats were William S. Gorton and Pritchard quickly sized him up as a schemer. But he was hard not to like. The PUD Association had a war chest of its own. In later years, in fact, he would be a staunch supporter of public power. His father, a Seattle cop, died in a shootout when Johnny was 9. The Evans team had recruited and elected more progressives, allowing Dan to score a 21—18 victory in the race for minority leader.

    There were hundreds of amendments and 45 roll call votes. Sixty-one of the 99 members engaged in the debate, with Gorton, Evans, Hurley, Goldmark and Norm Ackley, a sharp young Democratic attorney, getting in some of the most withering licks. It is based on having people selected because their friends and neighbors decide somebody should be entrusted with responsibility and they send them to a place to inform themselves and make decisions. It is not a question of referring every single thing back to the people.

    He ignored calls for a roll call vote, declared it defeated and banged his gavel so hard that the head broke off and went flying, almost hitting one of the Republicans in the front row. No one had ever seen Evans so angry. Gorton conceded the point and won some grudging new admirers across the aisle. He and Ackley drafted a clarifying amendment that passed. By Day 4, however, the opponents had.

    They moved to send the bill back to the Rules Committee. Republicans and fiscally conservative Democrats in the Senate passed a floor resolution censuring Governor Rosellini when he threatened to veto their conservative budget. The platform that emerged featured a strong public power plank as well as another slap in the face to conservatives—an amendment calling for weakening the anti-communist McCarran Act.

    The federal law enacted in at the height of the Red scare required communists to register with the U. Attorney General and reveal their sources of income and expenditures. She suggested that his memory. Statewide, they captured nearly 53 percent of the vote, gained eight seats and were within votes of winning the two more they needed. It was now 51— We sat across the aisle from each other in my second term and became friends. Gorton huddled with Evans and Pritchard. Not much to lose, they concluded, though caution was crucial.

    They floated the idea with the House Republican caucus. The session would be the stuff of legends. The Republican members of the House and their spouses were enjoying a get-together at the Governor Hotel in downtown Olympia. A chilly drizzle slickened the road as Evans headed through west Olympia and turned north onto Cooper Point Road, which winds through a narrow peninsula that pokes into Puget Sound. It led to a clearing and a small house. Light from a fireplace flickered through the windows. Otherwise, the place was as dark as the moonless night.

    To Evans, it felt like a B movie. Evans knocked on the door. Bill Day, a moose of a man, welcomed them with a conspiratorial grin. The chiropractor from Spokane had rented the place for the session. Si Holcomb, chief clerk of the House every session but one since , was there too, together with his assistant, Sid Snyder, who got along with everyone. Gorton as usual cut to the chase, advancing Evans as the coalition candidate for speaker. It had to be Day. Gorton and Bob Perry, as different as cheese and chalk, had some sort of weird intellectual chemistry going.

    Perry assured the other dissident Democrats that Gorton would not allow the gerrymandering of their districts. He was part of the plot because the coalitionists knew they could count on him to wield a mean gavel of his own. His job was riding on the outcome. Few believed they could actually pull it off.

    Fearing leaks, they kept their own caucus in the dark for weeks. Adele Ferguson, the only woman in the Capitol press corps, delighted in scooping the guys. Baloney, Perry told her. We need to use the best brains we have in a bipartisan effort to represent the people. McCaffree was nervous. Realizing her knowledge of redistricting would prove invaluable, Evans, Gorton and Pritchard recruited her to run for the Legislature.

    The Democrats had wooed her as well. But it had to unfold just so. Jaws dropped when Evans announced that the speaker was going to be Day. Gorton, Pritchard and Eldridge, the caucus chairman, nodded reassuringly. They were ideological soul mates on issues that resonated with the Republican agenda: modernizing the committee structure and finding more money for schools without resorting to new taxes, not to mention private power.

    Some members of the old guard were in a state of shock. Can we depend upon the members of a coalition? Evans emphasized once more. His thin smile betrayed his anxiety. Day and Perry were uncharacteristically dour. Copeland, the Republican whip, demanded the doors be locked. On the first ballot, the Republicans cast all 48 of their votes for Evans.

    On the second ballot, the Republicans held ranks. The galleries and wings were packed. Adams, sitting one row back. His name was first on the roll call. It galled the hell out of him to be voting for a chiropractor—a Democrat chiropractor, no less—for speaker of the House, but he was a trouper. Heads whirled and the galleries gasped.

    Republicans were switching their votes to Big Daddy. Bud Huntley of Whitman County was seated next to Adams. Litchman leaned over Evans, asking for a chance to make a deal. Do us this courtesy. Si Holcomb banged the gavel. You have elected Mr. Day speaker. Copeland asked the chief clerk whether the motion was valid. Without hesitation, Holcomb said his authority in presiding over the House was limited to one thing—the election of a speaker. Henceforth, there should be party loyalty oaths. Redistricting would take two more years. Come Monday, however, and for weeks to come more delaying tactics stalemated the House.

    It turned out that the maps from Shell service stations were the most accurate. In those halcyon days when a service station actually offered service, the maps were free. The goal was to create enough strategically placed Republican swing districts to give the party a fighting chance in lean years and a majority in good ones. No mean feat. One squiggly line bisecting a neighborhood could spell defeat or victory. A freshman? Rarely in Washington legislative history has a rookie played a bigger role. Looking on intently from left are Reps.

    Tom Copeland and Slade Gorton. Howard McCurdy Collection. She was tireless. McCurdy became the GOP number cruncher, reveling in the black art of district drawing. Greive had made it clear to Gorton and Evans that their plan was dead on arrival. The Senate Democrats had ideological fractures of their own but enjoyed a 32—17 majority. The press marveled at how he always managed to find just enough votes to remain majority leader. Gorton figured that a divide-and-conquer strategy might work in the Senate, too.

    That Slade was wooing his enemies made Greive even more determined. With his horn-rimmed glasses, trademark bow tie and enigmatic smile, Greive was an astute politician. Too smart; too ambitious, they said. The crafty Catholic and the cerebral Episcopalian were locked in perhaps the greatest battle of wills the Legislature has ever seen. They told Gorton to not give one damn inch.

    While Copeland viewed Evans and Gorton as rivals for the leadership of the caucus, he harbored a visceral distaste for Greive, who in time drew him into a fleeting alliance that cost him dearly. His total emphasis was to take care of 13 to 17 Democrat senators that would vote to maintain him as Senate leader, and that was it. They drafted a constitutional amendment calling for automatic redistricting and a special commission to oversee the task. In other words, the districts with the least population would be the rural ones. Greive, facing pressure from rural senators, began to draft his own constitutional amendment.

    It was contingent on the Legislature approving his redistricting plan. The sorcerer had a gifted apprentice of his own. Young Dean Foster ran the numbers, tweaked the. Gorton warned that two could play that game.

    But Greive had way more detractors and clearly had met his match in Gorton. He was too smart for everybody. No one knows his own district like an incumbent. Members of their caucuses squinted at the maps as they traced the new lines. McCutcheon from Pierce County were looking on as Foster drew boundary lines. Move away from American Lake. It all depended on the swing districts. They even roomed together for a while. He clearly kind of exuded this aura of an Eastern intellectual.

    He was incredibly smart, and you had to be to understand redistricting. You basically had to memorize all the districts. They immediately began parsing the landscape. That surprised a lot of people because nobody thought there was anybody else in the Legislature with that kind of head for small numbers other than Bob Greive.

    Stress made Greive even more emotional. Political lives were at stake, he was reminded daily. He well remembers the day Greive sent a State Patrol trooper to Bellingham to yank Foster out of class. The senator needed help with the redistricting maps. It all made Big Daddy very nervous. Two days before adjournment, the coalition speaker prodded Gorton to give it another go with Greive. Slade took along Pritchard, Moos and Perry. He and Greive clashed instantly. Clearly peeved that Gorton was so icily resolute, Greive stormed out.

    Neither could rustle up enough votes to prevail. He admonished the old-guard Democrats to reject any compromises. Rosellini and Attorney General John J. Rosellini expected the elections to produce solid Democratic majorities in both houses. He was weighing whether to seek an unprecedented third consecutive term. Big Daddy Day did too. Gorton and Evans now believed they were likely to get a better deal from the courts, which might redraw the districts, make all the legislators run at large or appoint a special master. Under any of those scenarios Republicans surely would do better than agreeing to a shotgun marriage served up by Greive.

    Olympia was one seething soap opera. Greive came up with a stopgap plan. He and Foster unveiled it for Gorton, McCurdy and the other four members of a conference committee. Greive wanted to save its senator, Dewey Donohue, and Gorton wanted to eliminate the district. They bickered and bargained for an hour, McCurdy recalled. It was a classic gerrymander, a dumbbell-shaped district one-half mile wide at the middle, but it would elect Senator Donohue. In return, Gorton won the Republican district he wanted for the adjoining Tri-Cities area.

    When the plan saw the light of day, the weary conferees got an earful. Bitter accusations reverberated through both chambers. The nastiest legislative session in state history ended on April 6, Two weeks later there was a biting postscript. The move played right into the hands of his opponents and unleashed a torrent of bad press.

    The federal court talked a good fight, only to balk when push came to shove. Gorton was more frustrated with the courts than with Greive—and utterly disgusted with the attorney general. He found out what people later acknowledged—that besides being very smart he was very politically capable too. The veto was going to change hands. Gorton, the Pritchard brothers and C. With his Eagle Scout-family man image, Evans was the handsome young face of progressive Republican politics in Washington State. The press coverage of the fractious coalition session had introduced him to a statewide audience.

    He launched the Draft Dan Evans Committee. The Evans brain trust began meeting weekly. Gummie, who smoked Churchillian cigars and cussed like a sailor, was always gung ho. Jim Dolliver, the sharp lawyer who functioned as chief of staff for the House GOP caucus, was also enthusiastic. Kennedy in Dallas on Nov. Most analysts believed Americans were unlikely to want three presidents in the space of 14 months. There were clear signs, however, that Washingtonians were open to electing a new governor.

    No Washington governor had ever won three consecutive terms, and Rosellini. The Republican frontrunner was 34—year-old Richard G.

    Former US Senator Slade Gorton Endorses Bill Bryant for Governor

    Senator Warren Magnuson a too-close-for-comfort race in by suggesting that the veteran Democrat was soft on communism. The third contender was Joe Gandy, an old-guard, downtown Seattle Republican. Although Evans trailed badly in the first polls and the campaign was often close to broke, the Pritchards were so irrepressible it was infectious. Gandy was a senior partner in the law firm. Everyone knew Gorton was an Evans man but there was never any flak.

    When Joe got in, he expected to pick up the support of the downtown business community lock, stock and barrel. Then, of course, when he got out he endorsed Dan. Dolliver drove Evans all over the state. Frank Pritchard had been managing A. It was going so well for the swarthy young Seattle City Councilman that Frank moved over to help Johnson, who had gone to the mattresses in a donated room at the Olympic Hotel in Seattle. One day I did We had a helluva good time! Evans, an engineer to the marrow, tracked the polling data on a graph. Buoyed by ticket-splitters, Evans crushed Christensen and would never trail Rosellini in the polls.

    Gorton was particularly suspect to the right because he had been a character witness for John Goldmark. Evans, however, was the more liberal of the two. Many old-line conservatives, embarrassed by the paranoia of the rabid right, signed on to help Evans. The campaign made excellent use of the network of Republican legislators. Four years later, when Gorton was in a tight race for attorney general that pipeline would prove crucial. Moos drew an important assignment. Goldwater campaigned in Washington State only once after the primary election.

    Gorton says. They never got it because Don kept it from happening. Evans, 39, became the youngest governor in Washington State history. He carried all but five counties. More than , LBJ voters crossed over to Evans. Nationally, he was one of the few major-office Republican candidates to dodge the landslide. At 32, he became the youngest secretary of state in Washington history and the first Republican to hold that office since the coming of the New Deal in While Gorton and the rest of the Evans brain trust survived, together with the six dissident Democrats who helped forge the coalition, the Republicans lost nine seats in the House.

    The Democrats would now have an impregnable 60—39 majority there, as well as a still solid 32—17 majority in the state Senate. When it came to redistricting, however, they were still fractured by fear. Seattle Post-Intelligencer cartoonist Bob McCausland portrayed the new governor as a noble knight astride a white charger. To joust with a hostile Legislature, Evans had a powerful lance—the veto. As Gorton and Greive girded to resume battle over boundaries, the federal court held the real sword. It ordered the Legislature to enact a redistricting plan that met the U.

    Greive tried a fast one. By tradition, the governor is inaugurated at noon that Wednesday. Greive, once again by the skin of his teeth, kept his job as head of the equally dysfunctional family across the hall. Tom Copeland, harboring ambitions of his own, succeeded Evans as minority floor leader. Chuck Moriarty, a charter member of the Evans bloc, was now the minority floor leader in the Senate. Even a Republican landslide would generate only a handful of new GOP lawmakers. Greive and Foster had concocted a Democratic masterpiece. McCurdy ran the numbers several times, hoping to find flaws.

    Led by young Gary Grant of Renton, the opponents were a coalition of old dissidents and young turks. Gorton staged a full-court press to hold Greive at bay. Both sides called in favors, twisted arms and salved old wounds. Schaefer kept regrouping, unaware that the Republicans had drawn up a secret play.

    Gorton discovered there was no specified time for the inauguration of a governor. Evans phoned home to Seattle and told his wife, Nancy, to get a babysitter. It was 10 p. Tuesday, January 12, House Democrats caucused, only to emerge downcast 40 minutes later, still at least two votes short. They repaired to their chamber, bitching among themselves. The Republicans resisted the temptation to cheer this dispirited parade. Schaefer looked exhausted. Copeland took him aside. Then he dropped the bomb: There was no tomorrow either.