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The primary class affiliation of persons associated with the Reich Federation of German Civil Registrars is the easiest to determine. The Journal for Civil Registry Practice was always, naturally enough, primarily edited, written by, and geared towards civil registrars. These were predominantly lower- to middle-level government officials and thus overwhelmingly from the lower middle class.
Political and Cultural Orientations in Weimar: From Family Values to Racial Unity Despite the traumas of the Weimar era, as in the Kaiserreich overt expression of political opinion remained rare in the four journals studied. They also continued to reflect differing political views. The editors of the German Herald, for instance, were clearly hostile to the republic. Yet the antisocialist orientation of the leading genealogists remained constant beyond In , for example, Zentralstelle director Hohlfeld noted that family research was not just an individual practice, but also a national task: it served to promote German family life against modern immorality.
As late as , the Family History Gazette published an impassioned plea for preservation of noble lineages in northern Europe. But this work also tended, by its very nature, to promote traditional values. The Weimar era began with outbreaks of actual class warfare in Berlin, Munich, and elsewhere. Political and social unrest loomed throughout much of the period. All family research is based on the love of the past and ancestors, which the coarse materialism of our time ridicules.
Now, however, a countermovement has arisen in all circles of the Volk. Proper breeding, it was felt, would improve society. Also during this period, parallels between nonracist eugenics and later Nazi racial policies become increasingly apparent. In , for instance, Friedrich von Klocke favorably reviewed two books on sociology, claiming that because genealogy is considered a social science, genealogists should acquaint themselves with sociological ideas.
As with other concepts related to racist eugenic ideology and the Nazi era ancestral proof, the growing social instability in Weimar was also a probable factor behind the increasing interest in eugenics. Following World War I, the journals began more frequently to report on meetings of eugenic organizations and congresses, reviewing the contents of eugenic journals, and emphasizing the importance of the field and its ties to genealogy. During its first three years of publication — , the journal did not contain a single article dealing specifically with eugenics. This changed, however, in , when it featured at least three such articles.
By the following year, it had at least seven. Moreover, other articles in , while not specifically on eugenics, discussed the concept favorably in passing. This eugenic work, the Journal for Civil Registry Practice noted, was easier to understand than the difficult standard work, the so-called Baur-FischerLenz. It should also be noted, however, that not every prominent genealogist was entirely smitten with the increasing stress on the connection between genealogical practice and eugenics. However, even when race was not mentioned as a hereditary threat, many ideas compatible with racist eugenic ideology became more prominent during the Weimar era.
The most fundamental of these, and one that was often either implicit or explicit in many books and articles on eugenics, was the idea that an invisible hereditary danger posed a significant threat to the future of the German Volk. He was simply repeating an idea that had already become mainstream, at least in genealogical circles, during Weimar. One was the gathering and centralizing of biological data on the entire German population for eugenic purposes. The Ahnenpass in particular, which became a popular method of making the ancestral proof, had pre-Nazi progenitors in two Weimar-era booklets that civil registrars promoted for recording genealogical information.
In the early s, the Civil Registrars Federation introduced the Einheitsfamilienstammbuch. Like the Ahnenpass, this was essentially a genealogical table in booklet form, one that the Federation hoped would become standardized throughout Germany. This Urkundenbuch der Kindheit Infancy Document Book was created in association with the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology in Berlin and was designed to record physical information about newborn infants.
In the first six months of its existence, the civil registrars distributed more than fifteen thousand copies. Genealogical literature varied in regard to the means approved for engendering public compliance with such eugenic measures. Some called only for mild enforcement methods. In the Journal for Civil Registry Practice, for example, a high-ranking.
There was little criticism of such ideas in the pages of the journals. Such a law, it continued, required further research before it could achieve its purposes. Thus the Gazette piece did not oppose sterilization in principle, but only as promoted by Boeters. Before , however, nonracist eugenics had the more credible pedigree: it was indisputable that certain illnesses were hereditary.
Proponents of racist eugenics gained legitimacy primarily by blurring the differences between the two. By helping to make racist ideas sound plausible, these factors all played a vital role in creating widespread acquiescence to institutionalized racism in the Third Reich. Genealogy and Racial Purity It is curious that the origin of the word race, the Gothic reisza or split, line. The journals had already also endorsed some of the specific racist eugenic policies later implemented by the Nazis.
In other words, racist eugenic thought had already spread widely within German society by While racism was definitely on the ascendant in the interwar period, assessing its existence and its level in genealogical works of the period is not a straightforward task. This is because the terminology was ambiguous. But even then the meaning of the word was. Even when an author delimited the term race in some way, the ambiguity was rarely eliminated. An article in the Journal for Civil Registry Practice in claimed that Volk was predominantly a biological concept, but nevertheless failed to define its parameters.
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The Family History Gazette reviewed K. The piece noted that Saller provided a detailed physiological description of the two major reproductive communities Fortpflanzungsgem einschaften of the area. Sometimes the author clearly meant biological affinity. This interest was also expressed in other ways.
While racial hygiene. Given the context in which such articles appeared, however, it was easy for readers to make such a connection.test.trailblazer.outdoorsy.co
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Yet, as with so many other continuities with the Nazi era, overt claims of racial superiority also became increasingly pronounced in the journals. Articles in all four journals warned that such mixing would destroy German culture. Such articles also appeared in other journals. Besides containing racist eugenic ideas identical to those of the Nazis, suggestions for similar policies based on those ideas also appeared in genealogical journals during the Weimar Republic.
As with other precursive elements of the racial laws and ancestral proof, racial antisemitism increasingly appeared in genealogical literature after He also noted that his inquiries about the number of such pastors were refused due to fear that the findings could be used by antisemites. With the introduction of the ancestral proof in Nazi Germany, the pace of uncovering Jewish baptisms of course greatly accelerated.
But the Nazi effort did not. It also constituted a direct succession. Between and , eight volumes appeared, all entitled The Jewish Influence and the German Universities. Of course, along with the increase in racial antisemitism in genealogical journals in the years preceding the Third Reich, traditional antisemitic discourse continued as well. The Family History Gazette, for example, offered the story of a Jewish man who underwent five baptisms in the early eighteenth century evangelical, reform, evangelical, catholic, and again evangelical.
These more traditional expressions of ethnic bigotry, however, appeared much less commonly during Weimar than did racially oriented attacks. Implicit Endorsement of Racism Even in the interwar period, racist thought constituted a substantive core, rather than an area of peripheral interest, for only one major genealogical society: the German Roland. Although such ideas became more prominent during the s and early s, they still represented only a relatively minimal portion of copy in the genealogical journals. The growing, if limited, incidence of racist ideas in genealogical literature was not the only factor important in creating a social atmosphere in which racism could later be quickly institutionalized on a large scale.
A number of more indirect means. One such factor was the growing use of the word Sippenforschung in place of Familienforschung i. All of these eugenic works, in turn, were usually dignified in the same manner by being placed in the same category as general works on hereditary science. Such equation of racist and nonracist thought was by no means limited to the four journals most closely examined in this study. A Biological Genealogy section of the Family History Bibliography, the general bibliography for German genealogical works, first appeared in Again, not all of these books and articles necessarily contained racist content.
Another common way in which genealogists implicitly promoted racist ideas in the interwar period was simply through association with well-known racists and their organizations. In May , for example, Carl von Behr-Pinnow, an avowed racial supremacist, was a featured speaker at the annual meeting of the German Federation for Volk Regeneration and Genetics, which was closely affiliated with the Reich Federation of German Civil Registrars. Thus, at this single meeting there was significant cross-affiliation at one and the same time between genealogists, proponents of both racist and nonracist eugenics, and high-ranking government officials.
Such fraternization signaled, at a minimum, that racist ideas were not anathema to the leadership of the mainstream genealogical societies. They also accorded these people respect and power. In like manner, prominent genealogical organizations also actively embraced Ludwig Finckh, the well-known proponent of racist eugenics.
Different genealogical journals did the same for other proponents of racist ideas. But the review provided no further comment. In addition, they heaped praise on the Munich-based Lehmann publishing house. Lehmann released many nonracist eugenic, as well as purely medical and scientific works. Despite the large amount of implicit endorsement, clearly not all persons interested in genealogy, or even in the connections between genealogy and eugenics, sympathized with racist ideas.
Moreover, of those that did, the degree of sympathy varied. Indeed there was, albeit rarely, some censure of racism in the pages of genealogical works. Lenz, for example, was obviously still an advocate for the notion of racial supremacy, even if the Nordicist element was toned down. This apparently included even Uncle Alexander, who began his career as a Talmud teacher but died in as a Protestant bishop.
Hohlfeld was now clearly flirting with racist antisemitism. Kessler, wrote Hohlfeld, did not understand that purification of the race is not possible without racial struggle. With some tact then, Hohlfeld subtly endorsed policies that might hurt such children. In sum, German genealogical practice in the first third of the twentieth century, and especially after World War I, must be seen in the context of great social upheaval. In an attempt to reduce social tensions, and to preserve their own socio-. With regard to the journals themselves, even calling the Nazi era an apogee is a misnomer.
In the News of the Roland, for example, the first two years of the Third Reich saw annual peaks of 18 percent and then 31 percent of primary articles and book reviews featuring racist, antisemitic and eugenic topics, or some combination thereof. By , in fact, articles in the Family History Gazette dealing with such topics were almost absent.
Traditional fields of genealogical concern took precedence: tracing the lineages of particular families, and the families of particular regions. Yet if, during the Nazi era, the genealogical journals continued to devote only a relatively small amount of page space to racist eugenics, they remained tenacious in their willingness to do this. As we will now see in the following chapters, this led to a very rapid and thorough institutionalization of racist policies in the Third Reich.
This occurred despite the fact that contradictions between claims to scientific legitimacy and incoherence in both theory and practice repeatedly surfaced. In most cases, this was simply a confirmation that one had no Jewish ancestors within a certain number of generations. Yet despite the massive number of people affected, and the often complex, time-consuming, and expensive obligation, there was virtually no opposition to the ancestral proof in principle.
This, along with the rapid incorporation of the requirement into commercial life, further illustrates the amenability of German society to institutionalized racism. Number of Persons Affected by the Ancestral Proof In due course, all Volksgenosse [racial comrades] will be placed in the position of having to show proof of their ancestry. For many racial comrades, it is of vital importance to be able to show this proof as quickly as possible. The articles of the Nazi Party are the earliest important example. Nevertheless, this law undoubtedly caused significant additional numbers of Germans to make an ancestral proof.
The May Military Law also required many millions of persons to make the proof. Nevertheless, the additional numbers of persons required to make an ancestral proof under this law also probably ran into the millions. Finally, the Reich Work Law of September 9, , which required young persons of both sexes to perform several months of state work, paralleled the Military Law. The foregoing laws, however, are only those that in themselves had an impact upon many millions of persons. A profusion of laws and decrees affecting virtually every aspect of life likely caused additional millions of Germans to seek an ancestral proof.
In April , for example, the first in a series of laws seeking to purify the educational system racially was passed. Between and the first semester of , college matriculations alone exceeded one million. These laws eventually affected tens of thousands of persons, at least some of whom must not have fallen into any earlier category. Laws affecting various aspects of family life imposed the ancestral proof requirement on still more people. Austria, the Sudetenland, and portions of Poland causing additional millions of people to be affected by the ancestral proof requirement.
In other cases, the government sought to prove that people with names that did not sound Jewish were actually Jewish. Legal Requirements and Document Acquisition [T]he National Socialist legislator does not pass a law today and then change it tomorrow. Rather, when he passes a law, it must stand for centuries, corresponding to the demands and needs of the German Volk. At any given time, both the ancestral degree to which a person had to make the proof, and the method of proof, varied according to applicable law, the particular authority enforcing the law, and the availability of evidence.
A document of the Reich Genealogical Authority from about listed the extant ways of making an ancestral proof: 1. Small [Klein] ancestral proof; 2. Large [Gross] ancestral proof; 3. Decision on Ancestry [Abstammungsbescheid]; 4. Decision of Acceptability [Unbedenklichkeitsbescheid]; 5. Ahnenpass; 6. Decision Board [Spruchkammer]. Most of the tools for making the ancestral proof were not new, most basically genealogical research.
Thus creation of the regulatory framework to facilitate that process was often a matter of trial and error. The authorities invested much effort into making the ancestral proof procedure both efficient and acceptable. At the same time, they also made significant efforts not to alienate either the bulk of the German population or the institutions on which they relied to carry out the process, with duties so burdensome as to induce opposition.
Such a report would, ostensibly, not lead to an expulsion from the party, unless the information had been known for a long time and withheld. At any given time, the ancestral proof requirements for members of partyaffiliated organizations varied. Members of the SS had to make their own, more stringent ancestral proof, sometimes going back to all relatives alive in This led to a great outpouring of implementing regulations by government agencies, as well as wide compliance by various officials in seeing that their employees made the obligatory proof.
A random sampling of the files of the Reich Genealogical Authority, for example, shows that these authorities ranged from Reich ministries to local government administrations. But the small ancestral proof was much more common. Additional laws and regulations propounded between and required, among others, prospective civil servants, notaries, lawyers and other legal advisors, tax advisors, doctors, veterinarians, dentists, superiors in the military and Reich Work Service, engineers, surveyors, students, health care workers, members of the Reich Cultural Chamber [Kulturkammer], and editors to make this.
The authorities in fact soon began to vary the strictness with which they enforced the ancestral proof regulations. Yet by the summer of , it was already differentiating the degree of thoroughness by which it verified these documents. For all employees at the higher levels of service, even where there was no ostensible reason to doubt origin, the personnel division sent the questionnaire to the Reich Genealogical Authority, which checked it for accuracy.
For the. Frick issued a secret decree to upper-level administrators, ordering provision of the prescribed since questionnaire on the ancestry of the spouses of all civil servants who had not yet filled it out. His agency drafted a letter to the Genealogical Authority asking for an official ancestral decision, but this letter was apparently never sent.
In March , the Interior Ministry decreed that employees in the low and middle levels of the civil service were to delay documentation of their ancestral proof until the end of the war. Even the SS by this time usually demanded only a small ancestral proof. In general, difficulties could arise due to personal inability to carry out the necessary genealogical research, a lack of access to documents, or because conditions of origin made such research impossible adoption, change of name, illegitimate birth, foundling status, etc. In the first case, one could hire professional help more on this below.
Who and what constituted such an expert was a subject of continuous political struggle. But the primary authorities for making the ancestral decision were always the Reich and other genealogical authorities whose work will be discussed in detail in following chapters. Because so many were actually required to make the proof this way, from on a massive demand for genealogical documentation developed. The great majority of these documents came from either the civil registries or church books. The responsible governmental authorities rapidly established detailed regulatory schemes relating to document acquisition, copying, certification of authenticity, and translation where necessary.
In early April , the Interior Ministry responded by decreeing that documents were only free when the ancestral proof was required for official purposes or when the applicant was unable to pay. This was for the express purpose of allowing the document providers to hire additional staff to meet the growing demand. Acquiring them from foreign countries often presented a whole host of difficulties. Likewise, the Foreign Office printed informational brochures on obtaining documents from specific countries.
In January , the Party Chancellery did essentially the same thing for party purposes. By , they generally provided no documents from church books dating before Moreover, if the church books could only be secured in such a way that provision of documentation was impossible, then no provision was required at all and the applicant was advised to seek an official decision on ancestry from the Reich Genealogical Authority. This put an additional burden on. They continued to issue multiple regulations seeking to combat this, with only limited success.
This was due, however, not to government effort but to private initiative. Again, basically a genealogical table in the form of a passport-sized document, the Ahnenpass holder would fill out the required information most importantly religion to the required ancestral degree. He or she would then have the person responsible for the genealogical documents containing this information—usually a civil registrar or church-book official—certify its authenticity with an official stamp. Subsequently, the holder could produce his or her Ahnenpass as an ancestral proof, rather than having to provide certified copies of genealogical documents on each required occasion.
Governmental authorities soon recognized the value of the Ahnenpass. In June , for example, the military high command ordered that the Ahnenpass be used to the widest extent possible in the armed services. Thus, for example, the Interior Ministry ruled that an Ahnenpass could be certified on the basis of another validly certified one containing the same ancestral information usually for a full sibling. But the regulators also sought to ensure that each entry was certified on the basis of an original document in order to prevent mistakes or intentional misrepresentations.
The ministry thus allowed certification of an entry only on the basis of an original document, or proper civil registry or church-book entry; set a limit on the age of certified excerpts from church books that civil registrars could use as the basis for an Ahnenpass entry; and required civil registrars and church-book officials to determine the genealogical relationships between the individuals entered in the Ahnenpass in order to insure that persons whose names were spelled differently were nevertheless biologically related.
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The Interior Ministry was forced to continue issuing decrees regarding use of an Ahnenpass in relation to the various racial laws that the government enforced. Another response to the intense demand for genealogical documentation during the Third Reich was the appearance of a variety of governmental and quasigovernmental institutions dedicated to facilitating the provision of such information.
It is difficult to establish the overall organizational structure of these entities, which were governed by a variety of authorities and were inconsistently named. Nevertheless, they arose across the length and breadth of the Reich and in many parts of Nazi-occupied Europe. The party, for example, created at least twenty-three so-called Gau Kinship Offices Gausippenamter , regional genealogical authorities. Some, like the Viennese office, appear to have been dedicated primarily to making ancestral decisions rather than to gathering, organizing, and providing genealogical information.
Others, like the office in Posen, were primarily entities that provided genealogical information. These gathered both church books and non-church-related genealogical documents for purposes of the ancestral proof. Finally, at least twenty-six hybrid state-church entities called Sippenkanzlei also developed. The main sources for these documents remained the thousands of civil registries and church-book offices throughout Germany and elsewhere in Europe. In sum, the degree of regulation of genealogical documentation shows both how widespread the ancestral proof obligation was, and how seriously the authorities took it.
Indeed, the authorities were requiring individuals to make these proofs well into the last months of the war. To the contrary, despite reductions in the stringency of the proof, they consistently. Almost every decrease in strictness was justified on the basis of practical difficulties, primarily related to cost.
Most regulations easing the ancestral proof burden also indicated that at a later date when more resources would become available, a full documentary ancestral proof would be required. The speed with which these regulations were implemented and the variety of institutions that arose to facilitate document acquisition indicates further that the ancestral proof requirement, in principle, was acceptable to large swaths of the German population. Essentially, the proponents of the racial laws had to walk a fine line between applying them vigorously enough that they appeared to have an important purpose, yet not so forcefully as to cause widespread discontent, or to seriously contribute to actual problems ranging from loss of hard currency to carrying on the war effort.
After , the number of books and articles published on the subject grew exponentially, as did a variety of commercially produced genealogical tables. The Ahnenpass spawned its own cottage industry. Moreover, a new profession made its debut: the state-licensed kinship researcher Berufssippenforscher. Indeed, even businesses that had no fundamental connection to genealogy used the increasing interest in the subject as a marketing tool.
The racial laws proved a boon for the authors and publishers of works on genealogy. For the years —, for example, the Family History Bibliography, the standard bibliographic work in the field, listed publication of 14 significant, new, general genealogical works. In alone, however, there were 26; in , 66; in —37, 89; and between and , Correspondence from the spring of gives some indication of the.
Its printers, however, were having difficulty obtaining paper. During the Third Reich, however, at least seventeen different publishing firms printed and sold them. By , this publisher was already printing the 31st edition of its standard Ahnenpass, and by the following year, the th edition. Not surprisingly, this lucrative business could lead to fierce competition. This passport-sized document unfolded into a full genealogical table that could be viewed all at once, rather than requiring turning pages as with the standard Ahnenpass.
Soon, RNK released a four-page advertisement directed at retail outlets, which again prominently made the claim. Moreover, this advertisement, in addition to printing the Bormann letter in full, also included endorsements from the president of the Reich Music Chamber, the head of the Racial Policy Office in Gau Silesia, and from the well-known and widely respected genealogist Erich Wasmannsdorf, all praising its practicality and inexpensive cost.
Bormann ordered Firnhaber to stop the advertisement and to remove all such items from commerce. In Nazi Germany, the Ahnenpass was bought and sold like any other consumer commodity. The growth of the profession of state-licensed kinship researcher was another manifestation of both the quick acceptance and the normalization of the ancestral proof obligation in Nazi Germany. Professional genealogical practice was obviously not unheard-of prior to the Third Reich. By at the latest, practitioners.
This changed after when the practice turned into something of a growth industry. Genealogical documents became the way to make the ancestral proof, and a burgeoning demand developed for expert services in obtaining them. The immediate reason for this quick professionalization was the fact that there was good money to be made. He charged a standard fee of RM 1. A typical client, a government builder Regierungsbaumeister in Hanover, paid him RM On the other hand, a customs worker informed Staszewski that he could pay a maximum of RM 30 as his income was only RM per month. For RM What is clear, however, is that in those years at least business was good for Staszewski.
Professional kinship researchers often acted in the role of client advocates in the ancestral proof process. In , for instance, Staszewski threatened to report the parish office in Germau, East Prussia, to the Genealogical Authority for charging for an unrequested marriage certificate. Karl F[. There are advertisements. One genealogist, for example, provided potential customers with flyers outlining the relevant requirements of the Aryan Proof and the Ahnenpass, topped with his name, address, and telephone number, and a warning that reprinting of the flyer was prohibited.
Given the growth of this profession, the Genealogical Authority files contain numerous requests from individuals for information on how to become a professional genealogist. In fact, however, while there was indeed significant expansion in professional practice during the Third Reich, even at its peak it still did not provide a living wage for many people. By , for example, the Reich Association of Kinship Researchers and Heraldists had issued only licenses.
Beginning in , the licensing organizations repeatedly informed would-be professional genealogists that the market was saturated. It is especially suited for a savings advertisement. In contrast to other advertising means, it is a medium that represents memorialization not for a specific term or a short time frame, but for many years, indeed in most cases generations. The Genealogical Authority files also contain genealogical tables distributed by a metalworking firm and a shoe factory. It provided customers with a swastika-bedecked, blank genealogical table containing two quotations: the first encouraged savings; the second, quoting Mein Kampf, encouraged racial purity.
The next chapters further illustrate this through a detailed examination of the office in Nazi Germany most closely associated with the ancestral proof requirement: the Reich Genealogical Authority. The Reich Genealogical Authority has been established in the course of carrying out the German racial laws. Brief Institutional History The civil servant is the custodian of the welfare of the state and the people; he is the guardian in the Platonic sense.
Genuine and truthful in his whole outlook, abjuring weakness, hostile to the counterfeit, German, not fashionable—in short, Existence not Appearance. Created in late , the National Socialist Information Office was the first genealogical authority of the Nazi Party. In April , however, directly on the heels of the Nazi assumption of power, the Interior Ministry quickly established its own counterpart: the Interior Ministry Expert for Racial Research. The National Socialist Information Office was a party entity: funded by the party, to carry out party business, and headed by a party official Amtsleiter.
The Interior Ministry agency, on the other hand, was part of the civil government: funded by, and located within, the ministry, dedicated to enforcing civil law, and headed by a high-ranking civil servant Oberregierungsrat. For all intents and purposes, however, the offices performed virtually the same tasks in the same manner. Moreover, both always had the same director, and were located at the same Berlin address.
In November , it again changed the name—to the Reich Kinship Office—in anticipation of pending legislation a Sippengesetz or kinship law , which in fact was never actually implemented. The Authority had two directors over the course of its existence. Gercke, the first, lasted only until March The Gestapo soon accused him of homosexuality, and the party leadership stripped him of his office and expelled him on March 18, Department names and organization changed, as did specific responsibilities and staffing.
At that time, apart from the administrative office, it had departments. Figure 5. Achim Gercke, first director of the Reich Genealogical Authority, Courtesy of the German Federal Archives, Koblenz. Another 18 percent 26 employees worked for Division III the. Figure 6. Kurt Mayer, second director of the Reich Genealogical Authority, date unknown. This was due to the growing need to guard the papers from bombing attacks in the latter part of the war.
A report, however, provides some insight. According to this report, the division then making racial determinations Department II , had 5, files in process, but its 13 employees were not working them at the same pace. This led to a call for a partition of files based on expertise, rather than an alphabetical breakdown. In October , it proclaimed the Genealogical Authority sole arbiter in determining race in all doubtful civil cases.
It also recommended use of the Authority by the military. There was, for example, often much overlap between lawsuits seeking to establish paternity and the ancestral proof process. Individuals frequently saw a lawsuit as an alternate way to gain a more favorable ancestral decision. Thus even as late as , the Interior Ministry was complaining that the highest civil administrator Reichsstatthalter in Posen had proposed that the Ethnic German Central Office Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle make racial decisions for Baltic Germans entering the civil service, thereby trespassing on Authority turf.
Later, despite its own increasingly broad if sometimes unclear competencies, the Genealogical Authority remained relatively small. In , it had a budget of RM , By this had increased only to RM , Two years later, it had more than doubled in size to , and reached its greatest size in April , with employees. While later documents indicate a higher number— in January , for.
Indeed, a loss of workers to the military became an ongoing concern for Authority officials. By August , Gercke was already asking the Interior Minister for increased funding to meet the rising workload. A year later, he was still complaining that large numbers of files were not being worked on. As a further screening measure, the government agency itself, not the individual whose race was at issue, was required to make the request. Notwithstanding this delegation of authority, Authority officials continued to complain of overwork. Ein Komponist. September ; "Ein Lied beendet keinen Krieg.
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Kyburz-Graber, R Case study research on higher education for sustainable development: epistemological foundation and quality challenges. Linden, Anthony Chemistry and structure in Acta Crystallographica Section C. Acta Crystallographica. Section C: Structural Chemistry, 71 1 Ostinelli, Paolo Chiese, istituzioni ecclesiastiche e vita religiosa.
In: Ostinelli, Paolo ; Chiesi, Giuseppe. Storia del Ticino. Bellinzona: Stato del Cantone Ticino, Weber, Ralph China und politische Philosophie — Wege und Umwege. Zilibotti, Fabrizio China — from investment-led to innovation-led growth. Finanz und Wirtschaft Bilder der Schizophrenie. Gleede, Benjamin Christian Apologetics or Confessional Polemics? Weiss, Daniel In: Fedorova, Ljudmila L. Chvala i chula v jazyke i kommunikacii. Sbornik statej.
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