Echanges et mobilités académiques: Quel bilan ? (Logiques sociales) (French Edition)

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Biostimulants are for example able to reduce water and fertilizer consumption by these crops. Nevertheless, it appears that this market is not clear for professionals and there is a lack for scientific evidence and proofs of functioning of one molecule on different crops. It is now important to have these evidences and proofs of concept, one of the objectives of the project. This work will also help the European administration in their work and considerations aiming at giving a clear framework for the use of biostimulants and clarify the market.

In this context, the objectives are: To test the application of five biostimulants, of which three from seaweed extracts, on lettuce and tomato. To measure the impact of the use of these products on water and fertilizer consumption by the crops. To test different tools and sensors to follow the crop physiology and propose the best available solution for professionals. Also propose new sensors for the next steps take part in the project animation, meetings, Profile Master 2 student in agriculture Interest for agronomy and experimental work Deductive and analytical skills.

Starting date around March if possible, 6 months. Send your CV and cover letter to the above contacts before 15 th of December Plus d'information dans la fiche descriptive de l' offre. Permis de conduire B requis. Plus d'information dans la fiche descriptive de l' offre. Responsables de stage : Laure Vidal-Beaudet, enseignante-chercheure 02 41 22 54 23, beaudet agrocampus-ouest. Cornu inra. Coll, R. Cardinael et K. Chevallier, B. Moulin US Imago , C. Gomez Lisah. Chevallier ird. For example, OECD tests should be performed in artificially spiked and homogenised soils.

When these tests are applied in real contaminated soil samples, and even in the field, the validity of the results may be questioned: Soil contamination in real soils is not homogeneous, and earthworms will probably avoid the zones with the highest contaminant concentration, providing potentially confusing results on soil toxicity. Earthworm burrow systems have been recently characterized using 3D-microimaging, in particular using X-ray computed tomography CT 4,5 Figure 1.

This technique allows a 3-dimensional reconstruction of earthworm movement in soil and its monitoring with time. Therefore, the use of this technique will help us to determine any modification that may occur in the behavioural patterns of earthworms when they are introduced in an ecotoxic environment.

The aim of the proposed internship will be to study the behaviour of different earthworm species in mesocosm configurations containing soil samples with different properties and contaminated in different configurations homogeneous contamination, contaminated in linear gradients 6 or soil with a discrete contamination spot. In parallel, the burrow system of earthworms will be monitored with time using CT imaging, in order to discern earthworm behaviour in the contaminated scenarios considered.

On the other hand, other basic toxicity features, such as reproducibility and survival will be assessed for each scenario, following OECD guidelines. These experiences will be a base for the discussion of the validity of standardized bioassays to be used in the field or in actual contaminated soil samples. In close collaboration with Dr. Julia Clause and Dr. A definite objective of the internship will be the writing of a publication in English on which the intern will be a co-author.

For further information or to apply contact maria. More information here.

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Comment varient-t-ils au cours du temps? Good knowledge in uni- and multivariate statistics with R program. English writing capacities. Student with a strong interest in data analysis. General context of the study: The assessment of the soil quality and its impact on ecosystem services and goods is a scientific and societal issue that has been widely debated in the literature over the last twenty years. Several indicators of soil quality have been developed Obriot et al. This is an important shortcoming because estimators of soil quality based on a compartmentalization of physical, chemical and biological properties, without taking into consideration their interactions, are prone to underestimate the importance of synergies and trade-offs.

To address this knowledge gap, Kibblewhite et al. Based on this framework, a CIRAD-IRD team developed a set of 9 indicators to assess three key soil functions: carbon transformation, nutrient cycling and soil structure evolution. This approach provides integrative information that can be closely linked to soil ecosystem services. The Biofunctool set has been applied in five experimental sites in Thailand in order to assess the impact of rubber tree plantation land use and induced land use change on soil functioning.

In each experimental site, a range of 4 to 6 treatments were studied with the Biofunctool set. Elle est respectivement de 0,24 ha et 0,35 ha. Une analyse par type d'exploitant, que nous n'avons pu faire faute de temps, pourrait permettre de mieux comprendre la situation. Tableau 7. Parts respectives des facteurs de production dans les charges totales annuelles d'exploitation, selon le sexe du chef d'exploitation. Le circuit de distribution est complexe.

Mais le fumier n'est pas toujours disponible. Tableau 8. Tableau 9. Les autres comme le NPK sont en rupture de stock. Tableau Revue Grain de sel, No. Alexandratos, Nikos ed. Dijk van , Pieter M. Diouf, S. Hydrochem Cameroun, B. Steichen, R. Because Senegal posesses limited natural resources required for a strong agricultural base, as early as in , the country invested heavily in horticultural activities to offset cereal shortages.

Because pilot activities were localised in the periurban areas of Dakar, and given the proximity of commercial centres, the first set of such activities were found mainly around Dakar and nearby areas. In , this amounted to about 64, tonnes. Demographic studies showed that young people between the ages of 20 to 30 years are the most active, suggesting a rather vibrant sector.

It should be noted that about , m 3 of domestic waste water is evacuated daily in Dakar. The utilization of this resource could prove interesting. As well, a large number of urban producers use this untreated urban domestic waste water either as the only source of irrigation water or to supplement shallow wells. The utilization of these waste water sources is not without some advantages, such as the reduction in the amount of water and other inputs for normal growth and development of plants. A major inconvenience, however, is the contamination of harvested products with pathogens.

Our studies show that fresh vegetables found in the markets were contaminated with amoeba cysts, worm larvae and parasite eggs nematodes, tapeworms, Trichomonas. If urban agriculture is to thrive, however, a policy orientation towards treated waste water reuse appears inevitable. This is especially true if the problem of water scarcity is to be resolved, particularly as the quantity of the resource that is available will only increase with the increasing urban population.

Results obtained after five years of research at the Camberene experimental station in Senegal showed that extensive systems of urban water purification functioned well, and that all of the techniques tested showed similar results in terms of reducing pollution. None, however, reached World Health Organization's WHO's established standards for reducing bacterial content of water for agricultural use. Nevertheless, the system can be improved by combining several different techniques arranged strategically within a chain, placing each in a position where it is most effective.

En effet, l'eau est souvent rare ou inaccessible. Elle avait pour objectif de mettre en vigueur une approche globale qui garantirait une croissance durable du secteur agricole. Il s'agit :. Les plus importantes sont les suivantes :. Les motopompes sont peu courantes. Mode d'approvisionnement en eau par lieu. Figure 4. Mode d'utilisation de l'eau par lieu.

Figure 6. Figure 7. Figure 8. Type de culture par mode d'approvisionnement en eau. Figure 9. Utilisation des intrants par mode d'approvisionnement en eau. Figure Chastel, J. Dijon, France, p. Delvaque, J. Mara, D. Mbodj, S. Navez, S. Ngingue, M. Niang, S. This paper presents the various forms of horticultural activities and their spatial location within Cotonou.

The contribution of these activities to various development goals of the city — particularly waste management — was examined using appropriate participatory and survey methodologies. Vegetables, ornamental plants and staple crop production were the three forms of horticultural activities observed. Each had positive as well as negative impacts on the city's drainage system, and its environmental planning and management approaches.

The paper also presents evidence of both the current and potential contributions of these activities as they apply to solid and liquid waste management. Appropriate technical and policy recommendations were made to enhance the positive and minimize the negative impact of horticultural activities on the city's sanitation and overall development goals. A careful analysis of the literature on urban agriculture UA in revealed three interesting observations:. In sub-Saharan Africa most research on UA came from anglophone rather than francophone countries.

On the basis of a fewer number of research results, the prevailing assumption was that a similar situation exists in francophone countries. As yet, there is no consensus on the definition of peri-urban agriculture to clearly distinguish it from the classical rural agriculture in terms of distance from the city. The environmental aspects of UA received far less attention than, for instance, food security and poverty alleviation issues. There may be environmental benefits unrecognized and under exploited.

This may be the most dynamic aspect of urban agriculture. It seems likely that neither sustainable agriculture nor sustainable human settlements are feasible without urban agriculture. These three issues guided the formulation of the objective of this study, as well as the choice of its thrust and the favoured entry points into UA discourse and research priorities.

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Its objective was to evaluate the real and potential contributions of urban horticulture to the sustainable development of Cotonou. In this context, sustainable development relates exclusively to urban environmental issues, particularly those of waste management and landuse planning, irrigation drainage systems, and the rational use of agricultural inputs. An analysis of the positive and negative linkages between UA — particularly horticultural activities and these environmental issues — is the focus of this study. It is located in francophone West-Africa.

This might prove to be an interesting subject matter for extended UA studies in Cotonou, but it was not included here, since this study was to be limited to horticultural activities. It was already familiar with environmental policies and projects, as they exist on both municipal and national levels.

Using a city map, neighbourhoods were identified, marked and recorded. With the aid of a walk through a transect strip through the neighbourhoods, an inventory of the types and numbers of horticultural activities was constructed. The information thus obtained was summarized and mapped with the aid of a GIS application tool. Informal and formal interviews with individuals, groups and key informants were used to obtain additional information. The interviews and interactions covered a range of people, including workers from local and national government institutions, university and research institutions, and Non-Governmental Organizations NGOs.

Available literature and previous studies were consulted to fill in some historical gaps, especially the growth of the sector with respect to time Aisso Three forms of horticultural activities HA were observed: vegetable production, ornamental plants production, and staple crops maize, and cassava production. Vegetable gardens were found in almost every corner of the city, although highly concentrated in some ten large sites, close to the vegetable markets, where groups of individual cultivators operate as cooperatives.

Staple crops were usually planted on locations with rather low security of tenure, such as a plot waiting for development where a neighbour hoped to get one or two harvests for their own consumption, before building started. The maize produced was not usually sold or marketed. Ornamental plant production sites were located mainly along the sides of major road or in the most wealthy areas of Cotonou Figure 1. Plants are grown on the spot and watered daily. They are transplanted into plastic bags when they are big enough to be sold, primarily to richer urban residents, urban businesses and institutions who make aesthetic use of them.

The larger sites also sell a variety of plant pots and some have young trees. Many sites are related to nearby vegetable gardens, though usually there is a clear product and market specialization. A total of fifteen major vegetable growing farms or gardens were identified. These were permanent, well-maintained agricultural locations, with people cultivating them on a full-time, professional basis, every day of the week.

Unlike much of the. Ornamental plants being cultivated and sold along roadsides in central Zongo-Ehuzu district. Producers worked efficiently and had considerable knowledge of input use, and cropping techniques such as crop rotation and inter-cropping. Production from these sites probably constitutes about half of the vegetables consumed in Cotonou.

They sell to individual market vendors who come not only to the gardens, but also to larger outlets like hotels. In short, these farmers are professionals who know how to sustain their agricultural activities in a competitive way. Figure 2 shows a vegetable garden in Cotonou. It illustrates the professionalism of the farmers background plots ; how they use poor, marginal land foreground ; the tools that are used manual and nonpolluting ; and that groundwater levels in Cotonou are very close to the surface water pit to the right.

In contrast to the situation in eastern and southern Africa, practically no-one cultivated household plots, which were considered far too valuable to be used for agriculture in this densely populated city. It is also important to reiterate that the urban cultivators in Cotonou are very well organized, at least in comparison with other artisan groups. As well, they were the initiators of the Union of. One of the bigger, well-looked-after vegetable gardens of Cotonou. It uses the poor soil of the beach near the Hotel Sheraton.

Producers in the Sous-Prefecture of Cotonou USPP , which includes groups of fish-producers on the lake, urban livestock producers, and merchants. Their activities include training, looking for new locations and sourcing for inputs vegetable seeds. This is especially true in Cotonou. It alone produces half of all the waste in the country, because it is relatively wealthy notably because of its harbour. The original soils of Cotonou are as sandy as a beach and very poor.

This is the reason why no agriculture existed here prior to the foundation of Cotonou: thus, agricultural production exists because the city is here. Most horticultural sites in Cotonou use household and industrial waste — such as dredge from the local beer brewery or cottonseeds left at the harbour — as agricultural inputs of organic material. Producers pay for all of these, finding urban waste a valuable and relatively cheap source of inputs.

Chicken manure is their favourite, bought in 50 kg bags from poultry producers in and around Cotonou, but this is relatively expensive. They usually buy a truckload of garbage from the driver of a waste-collecting company, who delivers it to their site. The gardeners often let it lie for a while, so the organic materials decompose, which occurs fairly rapidly in the tropical climate.

Sometimes non-organic waste is removed, sometimes not. Experiments with proper composting have been made on several sites, but most were considered too difficult, too labour-demanding, or simply not sufficiently profitable. Toilet pits are emptied into septic tank trucks and brought here, some 20 km to the east of Cotonou Figure 3. But the basin is too small and the sun evaporates too much water from it too quickly. Much of the sewage is dumped into the sea without being sufficiently cleared of pathogens, but so far there is no alternative.

Unlike in the Sahel, cleaning the water here would have to be done to dispose of it properly, not for irrigation purposes, since in Cotonou the groundwater level is only at a maximum of 2 metres below the surface. The gardeners simply walk into a pit with two empty watering cans and walk out again with two full ones. Still, sludge from the basins is very high in. Unlike some other West African cities, one of the biggest environmental problems in Cotonou is the abundance of water, especially during the two rainy seasons.

Unfortunately, this proved not to be an ideal location. Frequent flooding constrained both development and long-term investments, while rapid expansion of the city produces such pressures on the urban space that many locations unsuitable for construction — notably the marshes — are being built upon. This causes increased flooding in neighbouring locations and threatens the local ecological balance. Nevertheless, many houses have been constructed in such areas, but at other places people managed to create productive gardens despite the water problem, and merely stop production activities for a couple of months.

To rid the city of this excess of rainwater, some very expensive drainage channels have been constructed Figure 4. Many more are needed and indeed planned at the municipal level, but for years now they have not been constructed,. An open concrete drainage channel polluted with street waste.

It seems unlikely that funds will be available soon for these works. In the meantime, the canals continue to be blocked and polluted by wastes.

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Historical and political events leave little maneuvering possibilities for government, particularly the CUC intervention in urban land-use layout. Moreover, tradition in Benin is such that people are very attached to their plots, rarely move house and, thus, they resent government interference in the utilization of such plots. Consequently, construction is haphazard, with hardly any open spaces for city development.

The situation is such that it would be difficult to change this land-use system. Only the roads are still government property, and these often have wide sidewalks, much of which are used by the informal sector. A lot of chemical fertilizers, pesticides, seeds and other agro-inputs are available in the city, given the presence of both the harbour and airport.

Some are imported directly by the gardeners cooperatives and the one in Kouhounou has a special shop which serves as such. They also have a lot of paper information on uses and dosages, and additional information can be obtained from the CARDER. For maize and other staples, no chemical inputs whatsoever are applied, and production is mainly rain-fed.

For ornamental plants, young trees and flowers, some pesticides are used and, in several cases, some chemical fertilizers too — though not much. In vegetable gardens — especially the better-organized ones with lots of European types of vegetables — it is common to use both pesticides and chemical fertilizers. Both are dissolved in water and sprayed onto the fields by means of a tank with a hand pump carried on the back, so dosage can be very exact.

High prices of fertilizer products like urea or NPK have encouraged cultivators to both search for and use alternatives. Such alternatives primarily include urban waste and some industrial wastes, notably beer brewing sludge, cottonseeds which are left in the harbour in large quantities during the season, bags of chicken manure bought at local or regional poultry farms, as well as any other type of animal manure, when available. In this climate, the use of pesticides is necessary, but the gardeners of Cotonou are very professional about it.

They respect the suggested period before treated material can be marketed and respect the prescribed dosages, often economizing by reducing such dosages. Some organic pesticides have been successfully introduced, notably from the neem tree, wood ashes and chicken manure — all of which are reputed to have insecticidal properties. Indigenous knowledge is certainly flourishing.

A lot of solid waste is currently being recycled into fresh food through urban cultivation, without long distance transportation of such wastes, thus avoiding pollution and contributing to some environmental sanitation. Nevertheless, there is still a long way to go in this respect. It may be necessary to sort out degradable from non-degradable.

Figure 5. A price reduction to that of untreated waste may stimulate urban cultivators to be interested in compost. Transport would still remain a problem, but sites in Cotonou such as on the grounds where the garbage trucks are parked could be used. In cooperation with gardeners organizations and NGOs which specialize in waste recycling, a good plan of action could be put in place to serve the city. Given the problems at the SIBEAU sewage treatment site, there is a need to look for another technical solution that can both deal with larger quantities and eliminate dangerous pathogens in sewage.

This could be costly. The company could afford the investment, but will do so only if it is profitable. Water hyacinth can sufficiently clean household wastewater for it to be used on trees and ornamental plants, and the water plants themselves can be fed to livestock. Also, fish breeding might prove possible, as in Asia and Central America. Meanwhile, the dredge is very fertile as is apparent from the maize on the left side of the basin Figure 3.

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Dredge could be applied right there, since there is a large palm tree plantation just next to the site, where some maize and cassava are already flourishing. SIBEAU's company trucks are driving past daily, but also many trucks are transporting beach sand into the city to raise the ground level of sites before construction begins. And, along the road there is an unused railroad waiting to be used again.

A participatory approach, by inviting all stakeholders to the planning process, could provide fruitful solutions. It might prove worthwhile to involve the gardeners' associations in the upgrading of the city's drainage system, as well. For example, instead of digging an open channel in a wide street like the one in Figure 4 a simple ditch could be dug. Along both sides of it, a line of vegetable beds could be created. In return for the space and the proximity of open water, the gardeners could be made responsible for the maintenance of the ditch.

They could dig it out every so often to prevent it from closing again — and they would be gaining fertile soil in the process. They would also have something to gain by keeping the garbage out and thus educating the population not to pollute the open waters in the process. It would take up the same amount of space, enhance the urban environment — and it would be so much cheaper than constructing open channels out of concrete that an experiment like this would certainly be justified.

The above section on drainage channels is already a good example of how to use urban space for cultivation while enhancing the environment. There are also several informal waste dumps that could be transformed into gardens as well, just as the history of at least five garden locations in Cotonou have already proved. This would help prevent health hazards, upgrade the aesthetic value of the city and provide jobs in the neighbourhood.

Allowing and stimulating gardens in those places where flooding is frequent and which have a precarious ecological balance could prove to be a smart policy as well. It is not necessary to intervene with the use of chemical fertilizers for it is not posing an immediate environmental threat in Cotonou. Still, the provision of more high-quality organic fertilizers could certainly influence the market competition in a positive way. To improve the quality of the crops, rather than lowering the prices of imported agro-chemicals, it would be wise to stimulate the use of local organic inputs.

Luckily, a lot of expertise is readily available at the Songhaii Centre in Porto Novo and some other institutions. The introduction of new environment-friendly pest control systems should be quite easy if taken up by the well-organized CARDER in collaboration with the gardeners' cooperatives, for the agricultural producers have become one of best-organized artisan groups of Cotonou. They are well organized, capable professionals, and are also open to new ideas and reasonable environmental measures — as long as these do not harm their business.

They have a lot to offer to the city of Cotonou, their potential is hardly tapped — and they have a rightful place in the urban fabric. The garden is more than just a means of income: it is a way of life and it is their home. Aisso, F. Urban agriculture, progress and prospect: March pp. Asomani-Boateng, R. Urban and rural communities in Africa have a long history of resource conservation through waste reuse and the application of composted organic waste for farming.

This paper examines the concept of waste reuse urban farming WRUF as a unique local solution to address municipal solid waste problems in African cities. It analyzes the rationale for WRUF ; the history, nature and status of traditional urban farming ; the constraints and implications of WRUF for urban planning ; and implementation problems. Finally, we suggest solutions to overcoming these problems.

The management of urban solid waste constitutes one of the most immediate and serious environmental problems facing governments in African cities. The conventional municipal solid waste management approach — based on collection and disposal — has failed to provide efficient and effective services to all urban residents. The urban environment steadily degrades due to waste which is not managed efficiently. Similarly open spaces, marketplaces are littered with solid waste.

In most cases drains are clogged or totally blocked and many compounds are hemmed in by solid waste. This deplorable situation is not unique to Lagos, but exists in most African cities. The situation in other African cities is not much different. When waste is not collected, unsanitary conditions develop and pose environmental and human health risks. The prevalence of parasites, tetanus, malaria, hookworm, cholera and diarrhea in most African cities is attributed to the unsanitary conditions in these cities Stephens and Harpham Songsore and McGranahan reveal that malaria, diarrhea, intestinal worms and upper respiratory tract infections were among the most common health problems reported at out-patient facilities in the Greater Accra Region of Ghana.

In the city of Accra, the major health problem is disease attributed to poor environmental sanitation, which is exacerbated by ignorance and poverty Ababio In Tanzania, Yhdego and Majura have reported that poor sanitation and improper waste disposal practices result in the spread of infectious diseases, which are the most frequent causes of morbidity and mortality. Waste dumped into storm drainage channels, creeks, lagoons and other water impoundment points create serious environmental problems which can escalate into disastrous situations. The devastation of lives and property which occurred due to the floods in Ibadan, Lagos, Port Harcourt and Aba in Nigeria Kinako ; Filani and Abumere and Accra, Ghana in Daily Graphic, July 5, were attributed partly to an accumulation of refuse which blocked these cities' drainage channels.

The ineffectiveness of contemporary municipal solid waste management practices, which culminates in a number of health and environmental problems, has prompted the need to find effective and pragmatic solutions to waste management problems in African cities. This paper argues that there is a need to unite waste reuse and urban cultivation in African cities, because opportunities to integrate the two sectors exist in Africa's urban areas. Within this context, certain pertinent questions have to be addressed. Why emphasize organic solid waste recycling?

Is urban farming a permanent enough activity in African cities to be able to sustain organic solid waste recycling? What are the constraints and implementation challenges of waste reuse urban cultivation to urban planning in African cities? This paper considers these issues in three parts. The first examines the basis and role of re-using organic solid waste in African countries ; the second reviews the history and status of urban cultivation ; the third considers the constraints and implementation issues surrounding waste reuse urban farming WRUF for urban planning.

Solid waste management experts, consultants and researchers on Africa are increasingly recognizing the great potential of WRUF into urban farming to help reduce solid waste collection and disposal problems Chimbowu and Gumbo ; Egziabher ; Lee-Smith and Menon ; Abutiate In this context, organic solid waste is not perceived as something which is repulsive, useless, and dangerous, but rather as an under-used resource.

It is a valuable material which can be recycled and used in urban food cultivation, thereby reducing the volume of undisposed waste. The organic fraction includes raw kitchen waste generated in the preparation and consumption of food: food leftovers, rotten fruit, vegetables, leaves, crop residues and animal excreta and bones. The bulk of organic waste is generated by households, restaurants and markets. Fantola and Oluwande estimate that the Dugbe market in Ibadan, Nigeria generates kg of organic solid waste per year.

In Accra, Ghana, restaurants and markets combined generate 60 m 3 of organic solid waste yearly Lardinos and Klundert Table 1 based on Edmundson ; Sridhar et al. It is apparent that the biodegradable organic content is very high, due to the fact that reusable materials such as glass, hard plastics, metal scraps, paper and cardboard are retrieved and reused or recycled into valuable items such as lamps and sandals Enfo News ; Asomani-Boateng The waste is. Table 1. Municipal solid waste MSW composition in selected African cities.

Because the solid waste has an abundant organic content, much of it can be recovered for reuse as fertilizer. In these cities, there are many urban cultivators who are in need of such organic matter for soil conditioning. This provides an impetus for organic waste recovery. The ever-growing quantities of urban organic wastes in African cities — which at present amount to 0. There is an inexhaustible and readily-available supply of organic matter: left alone, it constitutes a major health and environmental hazard.

Used as an organic fertilizer, however, it ceases to be the environment's principal contaminant. Promoting the use of organic waste in food cultivation will not only benefit urban cultivators but also it will minimize the need for expensive imported chemical fertilizers, which in Ghana averaged 46 tonnes from — Ministry of Agriculture The question remains: is urban agriculture a permanent-enough activity in African cities to be able to sustain organic solid waste recycling?

This question is examined in the discussion which follows. Today, urban farming in African cities is complex and diverse.

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It involves the cultivation of food and non-food crops as well as animal husbandry including livestock, fowl and fish within intra and on the fringes peri of built-up areas of cities Ganapathy Historically, urban farming has been a major activity in African cities since pre-colonial days. According to Winters , in hot, often humid regions such as tropical Africa, the problem of storing food compounded the problem of transporting it. The fact that urbanization was so independent of trade was one more reason for cities to be self-sufficient in food. Agricultural activities have influenced and determined urban land use and the morphology of cities in Africa.

Cities such as Kumasi, Ghana and the Yoruba towns of western Nigeria were surrounded by a zone of intensive farming in which the majority of residents worked each day Bowditch ; as quoted in Winters Urban cultivation played a more important role in eastern and central African cities. The quarters of these cities were separated and the spaces between them used for farming Winters Colonial administrators' response to urban cultivation in African cities could be described as negative and hostile. Consequently, urban cultivation and the rearing of animals were not permitted.

In addition, it was assumed that since rural agriculture could provide the food needs of towns and cities, cultivation in cities was not necessary. The only plants that urban residents were permitted to grow were ornamental plants, plants that could beautify African cities and towns. Urban farming in contemporary African cities is largely unrecognized, unassisted, and in some cases, outlawed because of the supposed hazards associated with it.

Furthermore, urban farming is seen as not conforming to zoning regulations because in planning African cities colonial administrators ignored urban cultivation. Subsequently, hostility and repression have confronted the activities of urban farmers in a host of African cities. In Bamako, Mali, the authorities banned the cultivation of cereals in on the grounds that the tall stalks provide hiding places for bandits Diallo Kenyan authorities view urban cultivation as a blight on the urban landscape.

In Zambia, the harsh repression of urban cultivation in the 70s and 80s was justified on the grounds that urban farming facilitated the breeding of malaria-carrying mosquitoes Rakodi Despite the official neglect from the colonial period to the present day, it is clearly apparent across contemporary Africa that urban farming is widespread and is becoming a permanent feature of the landscape of many cities.

Proof of its persistence and stability is reflected in the acreage of land farmed within and around the built-up space of African cities and by the number of urban residents engaged in urban agriculture. A significant proportion of urban land in African cities is being cultivated Mosha In Daloa, Ivory Coast, land under urban cultivation increased from 52 ha in to ha in Mougeot An increasing number of urban residents are engaged in urban agriculture: two thirds of urban Kenyans are farmers Lee-Smith et al. The words of the Accra Metropolitan Assembly Tetteh and Botchwey reveal the importance of urban agriculture in the city:.

Subsistence farming manifests itself in nearly every home and any unused space in the city. Vegetables and food crops which are commonly planted combine effectively with poultry, piggery and fish farming to supplement the income of the metropolitan dweller. The foregoing discussion establishes the fact that urban farming is an age-old activity which continues to expand. Current conditions prevailing in African countries, including rapid urbanization, ineffective agricultural policies, crippled domestic food distribution, constrained government spending, removal of subsidies, wage cuts, soaring inflation, rising unemployment, natural disasters, and civil strife, will likely accelerate the growth of urban farming Mougeot A growing number of African countries have recognized the importance of urban farming and have taken steps to incorporate urban agriculture in their city plans.

The practice of reusing waste in food cultivation in Africa is not new. Most African countries have traditionally utilized various types of organic materials to maintain and improve the productivity, tilth and fertility of agricultural soils. The indigenous kitchen gardens, compounds and community gardening systems of West Africa have made extensive use of organic materials. Kitchen gardening involves cultivating a small parcel of land within the home or living compound immediately outside the dwelling unit Figure 1.

The kitchen gardens, which are operated as backyard gardens because of their proximity to the home, benefit from household organic refuse, manure and other organic waste materials to ensure continuous cultivation. Crops grown are those frequently required by the kitchen or household of the operator and usually consist of vegetables. The compound farming system Figure 2 also centres on the household compound. The land immediately surrounding the compound is intensively cropped with vegetables and staples using organic soil regeneration techniques which involve the use of household refuse and manure from livestock.

Among the Kwahus of southern Ghana, a portion of the land surrounding the compound is allocated for dumping organic solid waste from the household, which mainly consists of food and kitchen waste, and manure from chicken and livestock raised by the household. Dumping continues for at least two years and the pile is left for a year to undergo anaerobic decomposition. Community gardening Figure 3 is widely practiced in Ghana and requires the extensive use of organic solid waste in crop cultivation.

In rural and small urban communities, waste management is undertaken on the basis of each neighbourhood looking after its own sector. And in each neighbourhood, locations are selected for residents to dump their household waste. Dumping continues until the space is used up, then a new site is selected. The old dump is left idle to decompose and the site is allocated for gardening after two-to-three years.

In Kano, Nigeria, the practice of using taki compost from manure, household waste, street sweepings and ash as fertilizing material by the city's peri-urban farmers has gone on for centuries Lewcock This represented between and tonnes of compost per day for peri-urban farms. It is estimated that in a 7. Emphasis on recycling waste in food cultivation shifted in the s to the use of artificial fertilizers. With their newly gained independence, African countries vowed to modernize their economies based on the model of western, industrialized countries.

Ultimately, indigenous practices were discouraged — including agriculture which involved reusing organic waste. Emphasis was placed on modem agricultural practices, including the use of chemical fertilizers. The indigenous form of agriculture was viewed as being out-of-touch with modernity. Hence, the reuse of waste in an urban area — which was actually a symbol and show-piece of modernity — was considered taboo.

Lately, there has been a resurgence in WRUF. Food waste generated by restaurants and canteens is used extensively to feed pigs, goats, sheep and cattle. Promoting the reuse of waste in urban cultivation on a large scale in urban areas with high population concentrations raises the issue of health. The strongest negative factor in the use of human and animal wastes for the production of food, feed or fertilizer is the possibility of disease transmission, which would negate the gains derived from the use of the waste.

The issue of health is critical. Urban solid waste in African cities contains large quantities of pathogens due to the presence of human excreta, and the application in farming of such untreated waste can pose significant health risks both to those who have direct contact with it, and also the general public, who are affected through food chain links Furedy et al.

Production costs of and the market for compost compared to the price of artificial fertilizers determine the long-term sustainability of WRUF. Production costs are affected by such factors as the technique of compost production mechanized or labour intensive , labour costs, and the generation of wastes in sufficient quantities. The quality of the compost, its transportation, and labour costs arising from its distribution from the production site to the place of use, as well as the price of substitutes, are factors which determine the market for compost. Composting of organic wastes using centralized and highly mechanized approaches in African cities failed.

This was because of constant mechanical failure ; equipment which is expensive to procure, operate, and maintain ; lack of technical knowledge to operate sophisticated equipment and processes ; and the production of low quality, expensive compost. City authorities' negative perception of WRUF is a major constraint to the promotion of this concept. As discussed above, authorities in African cities find it hard to accommodate urban farming in their cities because they view it as a detriment to modem urbanity and a health hazard.

Hence the enactment of policies to curtail urban farming. The reuse of organic solid waste in urban cultivation calls for changes in the institutional and organizational planning of municipal solid waste management — and in the spatial planning of African cities. To facilitate the WRUF concept, the current centralized approach to waste management planning must be reconsidered. The current approach is based on the rational planning paradigm, which excludes important actors and stakeholders in the waste management planning process. Rather, the best approach would be to incorporate other integrative and participatory modes involving citizens and other stakeholders.

Within this framework, various actors — including the waste management department, the city council, the agriculture department, community-based and neighbourhood organizations, the planning department, urban farmers, households, and generators of organic solid waste — would be involved in the planning for reusing organic solid waste in urban cultivation.

Decentralizing certain aspects of waste management planning to the community level, whereby certain functions like source separation and the composting of waste could be undertaken locally, is of paramount importance. Africa is a continent that is rich in traditions of self-help and community participation in providing shelter and other services. Every country south of the Sahara has its own variety of mutual aid organizations, many of them based on traditions of shelter construction and environmental clean-up. The presence of several neighbourhood and self-help groups like the Mbati women's group and Undugu society in Kenya, Nima and La Mansaamo Kpee LMK in Ghana and Copricol in Burkina Faso — all of which are actively involved in environmental clean up exercises in their communities — should be exploited.

These groups could be given the responsibility of organizing household source separation and composting source-separated waste in their neighbourhoods. Summary: Modern life is more precarious due in large part to the lack of job security provided by contemporary jobs.

Grand Débat au féminin à Pessac

There are growing ranks of part-time workers, freelancers, independent contractors, and the self-employed. This seminar explored why people accept riskier work and how they are adapting, especially within technology industries. Gina Neff examined what she call "Venture Labor" — the investment of financial, human, and social capital that ordinary employees make in the companies they work using a case study from the early pioneers of the commercial Internet. Two conferences were given in the context of this seminar: Is Mexico's national labour relations system an obstacle or an advantage for the competitiveness of multinational companies operating in Mexico?

Summary: In Imagining Post "Geneva Consensus" Labor Law for Post "Washington Consensus" Developmen t, Brian Langille renders a useful service by reviewing contemporary thinking in the field of development and prodding reflection on its possible implications for national and international labor law. I would certainly agree with his remarks that there is no trade-off between the political economy of decency and efficiency, that the ILO Constitution is an instrument that opens the door to many possibilities, and that labor law is not inherently limited to employees.

However, his analysis of the genesis of international labor standards and their use widely misses the mark. In essence, to make his point he sets up and knocks down a strawman. He paints a broadbrush picture that does not accurately represent important features of the system, including an appreciation of the different roles played by the ILO's governing structures and the ILO secretariat.

In the process, he reMayns closed to seeing the relevance that ILO standards can have to development. A more nuanced analysis of the content of such standards in light of labor market trends and the need for a balanced globalization would be a more productive path to follow. His plea for principles over rules ignores the fact that we already have a number of principles, and that on their own, they are clearly insufficient. Two conference were given in the contexte of this seminar: the Institutional features of labour markets: how do they affect the labour market adjustment to economic downturns in different EU countrie?

Janine Leschke and the Quelles propositions de sortie de crise pour l'Europe? Dufour et A. British Columbia, the Supreme Court of Canada expressly overruled twenty years of jurisprudence that interpreted the freedom of association as excluding collective bargaining. In , in Demir and Baykara v Turkey, the European Court of Human Rights followed suit and overruled its earlier decisions on the matter to hold that the right to freedom of association in the European Convention on Human Rights includes collective bargaining.

The recent successes before courts have led some observers to suggest that it may now be a propitious time for a co-ordinated and proactive litigation strategy to vindicate labour's collective rights. In this presentation, Judy considered what gave rise to these remarkable decisions and what they portend for the role of the courts in labour relations in Canada and beyond.

Summary: This presentation outlined the main points of an in-progress book Where Workers Vote with Their Feet , which elaborates ideas first presented in some earlier articles, based on a decade of fieldwork in Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovenia. It first described the emergence of a new Central Eastern European 'model' of industrial relations, combining relatively high degrees of state regulation with disorganized industrial relations, and then discussed the implications of EU accession, in terms of regulations, 'social dumping', transnational effects and consequences for the EU as a whole.

It ended with an argument as to whether a system so far based on marketisation and employee 'exit' logic migration, absenteeism, organisational disloyalty can develop new forms of employee 'voice'. Summary: Professions and unions have often been positioned as opposing alternatives or logics of action in labour theory. The professions embrace a spirit of individualism and mystique, privileged by a social status, while unions are collectivist and seek respect and to usurp power from a dominant class. How might we reconcile the professions and their increasing efforts to achieve collective bargaining in the workplace?

The author proposed that collective representation of professions is not an indication of the ultimate decline of professions in bureaucratized workplaces, but rather is the expression of a new arena of power for labour playing itself out at the forefront of work regulation in Canada. A sample of labour disputes of professionalized workers, illustrates that collective bargaining is an occupational closure strategy that alters the boundaries of a profession in an attempt to Mayntain distinct professional identity.

Each case highlights the struggle over the exercise of discretion within the professional doMayn through which the boundaries regulating professional work are being rewritten. L'atelier a permis d'explorer les trois pistes suivantes : 1 Qu'entend-on par gouvernance multi-niveaux? Quelles en sont les principales dimensions? Quels sont les principaux points de convergence et de divergence entre ces approches? Existe-t-il des auteurs incontournables? Quelle est leur valeur juridique? Constituent-ils des "normes"?

Devant qui? Et sur quelle base? This has been hotly debated in the international trade union movement because the ACFTU is not a labour union. This seminar outlined the reasons why the ACFTU, despite its progressive elements, fails the union test. This was illustrated through examples of union organising strategies, collective agreement procedures and recent legislative successes.

Similar authors to follow

As a conclusion,the author made a case that including the ACFTU would be a significant step in the road of eroding the meaning of labour movements internationally. Gross Cornell University, USA Summary: This talk was about workers' rights as human rights, particularly in regard to freedom of association including collective bargaining , workplace health and safety as addressed by US labor arbitrators ,with additional comments about how human resources violates workers' human rights in certain most important ways.

Yet there has been a tradition of tacit theorizing that links IR to an important strand of social science theory, institutional analysis. There are further connections to the philosophy of science laid out in critical realism CR. Paul Edwards argued that these connections need to be made more explicit and that a programme of IR research based on them can then be developed.

The connections were first identified by laying out the core principles of CR and institutional analysis and the implications for IR. Illustrations of IR research that are consistent with CR were then indicated. The work of the leading CR theorist, Tony Lawson, was addressed: Lawson offers a CR-based perspective on a key issue, the UK productivity record, but his view is in fact insufficiently based in CR, and use of IR research can suggest a richer account. Finally, a comparative research programme was sketched.

It reflected the need for IR to pursue its links with sociology and political science, with rather less emphasis on the relationship with labour economics, which has traditionally defined the field. Held at the University of Montreal, this research workshop was organized in collaboration with the School of Industrial Relations at the University of Montreal. To examine this issue we track the development of a new strategic planning process within the European division of a branded consumer goods manufacturer, seeking to deliver greater integration in strategy and marketing practice across Europe, for a period of a year.

To explore this integrated yet distributed planning process we conceive of strategizing as a multi-community activity of knowledge sharing and transformation occurring through within-community perspective making and across-community perspective taking. This directs attention to the nature of boundaries between communities, the processes of interaction that occur within and across these boundaries, and integration mechanisms such as boundary objects. By focusing on the breakdowns and breakthroughs in the negotiation of the new strategic plans we find that perspective making and taking are important but insufficient categories for conceptualizing boundaries and boundary objects at times of change when novelty is high.

We suggest that perspective giving and importing are relevant extensions in such contexts because of power asymmetries introduced by change, and that are less apparent in other contexts more typically used to study knowledge distribution and transformation, such as NPD. This seminar ended with a discussion of the contributions this make to understanding breakdowns and breakthroughs in knowledge transformation, the role of boundary objects, and delivering integration in strategic planning.

His talk also touched on the influence of nationality of ownership on employment practice and the HR consequences of international mergers and acquisitions. This research seminar was held at the University of Montreal. Exploring Labour's third way policies, it allowed for an examination of the specificties of the British model, as a form of hybridization between the European continental and North-America models.

Notably, the author discussed the inherent tensions in the British model, as well as its transferability to other contexts.