Haben wir unsere Träume verloren (German Edition)
Czech Elessar. Danish ditteoline. Dutch azucarinho. Finnish huuhkaja. French elfy German Sunsafari 3. German 49BlackButterfly. Greek Smokey Meydan. Hebrew Thomas Hungarian Jolly Rogers. Italian silvia. Persian masih. Persian drizZle in the darK 5. Polish solitude. Romanian licorna. Russian Dariaantsiperova. Russian Kashtanka Serbian stefansih1 5. Exploring Psychological Horizons. We have now commonly various perceptions of time. As humans get older, time turns out to hurry up, the years flitting by way of with out a pause.
How does our experience of time take place? The Oxford guide of sensible mind Imaging in Neuropsychology and Cognitive Neurosciences describes in a with ease available demeanour different useful neuroimaging equipment and seriously appraises their functions that this present day account for a wide a part of the modern cognitive neuroscience and neuropsychology literature. Because only a living person could be as lonely as I was. Previously, the narrator remembers, people had treated him as if he had been a ghost, bumping into him on the street as if they did not even see him.
It was his previous life, hence, that was inauthentic, unreal. As in Der Untergang, time seems to have ceased functioning. Time is a function of the world that has come to an end with the catastrophe. The narrator lives in an absolute present in which only mutual communication guarantees existence, and in which lack of communication, and lack of recognition, mean annihilation. In the past there was nothing more reliable than the counting of time. Everything was precisely divided and could be expressed in numbers.
Someone was thirty years old and someone else had lived a thousand years ago. These calculations were probably correct, but the precondi32 tions are no longer the same. Time has been shattered. In this postcatastrophic world of the zero hour, designations of time no longer have a meaning. If the narrator turns his face to those who lived a thousand years ago, then they are there, and he can speak to them. Both are part of an immeasurable present.
Towards the end of the story the narrator finds himself, together with a friend-enemy who functions as his alter ego, in a nebulous crater full of wet clay. While speaking with his alter ego, he watches in amazement as his creation comes to life: Soon I thought I discerned a twitching of her legs, as if she were trying to raise her foot from the ground. Then again it was as if breast and stomach were rising and she were breathing. One would only have had 37 to call her by a name, and she would have walked towards us.
At the same time, the destruction of his alter ego buries the narrator himself, who sinks into nothingness, separated from his past and from everything else that is familiar. As he tells this story to a woman he sees in the mirror of the empty house he had explored earlier, he imagines himself kneeling before her and burying his face in her womb, as if doing penance for having arrogated to himself the power of creation that belongs to mothers. The fundamental task that the narrator must accomplish is a reconciliation between the stern, eternal law of the fatherjudge and the softer, evanescent matriarchal power of the creator-mother.
And how much new damage would be caused by this: everything would have been in vain. It is possible, he believes, that instead of causing a catastrophe, this return to everyday life, however premature, might ultimately bring about precisely the universal reconciliation which he desires. But even though the narrator of Nekyia knows that he is partially to blame for the catastrophe, he is also aware that a return to everyday life would make him equally guilty.
The narrators of both works feel the pangs of a guilty conscience, for they are both allied with the destructive power of righteous judgment. For both, narration and song are talismans enabling survival in the midst of destruction. And in both works the distinction between the quotidian world prior to the catastrophe and the world of transcendence made possible by the catastrophe is crucial.
The action of the novel takes place at an unspecified time in a nightmarish future when religion, university study, and most forms of art have been banned: Five years after the last war, which had left only one world power, now omnipotent, they destroyed the churches. Seven years after the war they began to close the first universities. Nine years after the war they issued 47 the law on art that damned writers, painters, and musicians to silence.
What has been destroyed in this world is culture and all of its institutions — everything that, by dividing man from himself, makes it possible for him to achieve self-awareness. The supreme judge wears a mask in order to hide his individuality even from himself; he has become pure function. They should have nothing else in their heads but working and being happy. The only two people left in the world who understand the functioning of the totalitarian system depicted in Nein are the supreme judge and Sturm himself. The supreme judge has chosen Sturm as his successor because, as a writer, he is capable of memory and thought; as the last representative of a dying culture, he is able to separate himself from the quotidian world of other hominids, thus giving their lives, and the social system itself, meaning.
The judge explains: People have become happy. They are accused, they become witnesses, and they become judges. They all have the same thoughts, make the same gestures. All they do now is talk to themselves. In this world the process of civilization has been reversed, and human beings have returned to a second, nightmarish state of nature. Walter must, hence, choose between two equally unpalatable options: a life in which he negates his own existence by putting on a mask and becoming the supreme judge over his fellow citizens in a world that has no meaning outside his own comprehension of it; and a death that is nevertheless still a judgment, since it condemns both the existing world and all of human history to meaninglessness.
But because of his decision, human history in the sense of meaningful continuity comes to an abrupt end. Figures lived on it. Formerly they were called: human beings. Published in West Germany shortly after the catastrophe of Nazism and shortly after the beginning of the cold war, it is filled with the foreboding of a possible world totalitarianism. His crime is the refusal to condone or to participate in totalitarianism.
But in spite of his ultimate refusal to accept the position of supreme judge, Walter Sturm is nevertheless the last person in the world to make this sort of conscious choice.
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In the totalitarian world of Nein, it is the writer and his ratiocination that provide the last link to a world of meaning and continuity with a transcendent tradition. A brief look at two works by German-language writers living outside Germany will confirm that similar themes occupied many writers in and around the end of the Third Reich. Following the Dantean tradition, which viewed Vergil as a proto-Christian pointing the way to the coming of Christ, Broch fills his novel with references to the advent of the divine, to absolute presence, and to a consequent break with all previous history.
The goal of all writing, Vergil believes, is the simultaneity of eternity, a simultaneity that can be achieved only by the recognition and acknowledgment of death. For Agnes, too, everyday life must be questioned, for under it lies an abyss. The works by Nossack and Jens, as well as those by Broch, Frisch, Kasack, and others, suggest that many postwar German-language writers viewed themselves as a last link to western traditions.
They saw themselves as the representatives and remnants of meaning in a world that had been rendered radically senseless by a break with those traditions. For most of these writers, the world of everyday reality and postwar reconstruction had become fundamentally immoral or amoral. Those simply going through the motions of quotidian life in the face of catastrophe and guilt, they believed, were not only refusing to recognize and acknowledge the extent of the catastrophe but also failing to seize the transformative opportunities offered by an epiphany in which a metanoia — a radically new life — had become possible.
Postwar German writers at the zero hour and afterward saw their stance as radically nonconformist in its confrontation with the everyday world. Theirs was a world of alienation from an immoral and fundamentally flawed existence. It is not just for exile writers like Thomas Mann and Johannes R.
Becher that literature becomes the conscience of the German nation. He was to be the supreme judge, the last embodiment of critical consciousness in an otherwise absurd world. Allied with the power of a higher spirit unknown to his fellow citizens, he was there to observe and judge them. He took on all the attributes that Freud had designated as functions of the superego: observation, judgment, and ego ideal.
While these works bear witness to sternness and punishment, they also suggest the disintegration and division of the literary self. A literary world later deemed to have been one of the creators of postwar West German identity was, at the same time, established as the most persistent, fundamental critic of that identity.
All translations of this work are my own unless otherwise noted. Thesis, , Das einzige, was wir tun konnten, war, nicht laut zu sein und nicht zu viel Gewicht zu haben. Alternative English translation: Nossack, The Fall, 46— Alternative English translation: Nossack, The Fall, Alternative English translation: Nossack, The Fall, 43, Translation slightly modified.
Und er wagte nicht, hinter sich zu blicken, denn hinter ihm war nichts als Feuer. Translation altered. Alles, was wir taten, wurde uns sofort sinnlos. Die Kulisse fehlt, die Illusion der Wirklichkeit. Alternative English translation: Nossack, The Fall, 78— Da setzt sich die Zeit traurig in einen Winkel und kommt sich nutzlos vor. Er kommt jeden Nachmittag durch den alten Torbogen.
Er ist unser Freund. Wir bitten ihn immer, uns dorthin mitzunehmen, wo er wohnt. Es ist nicht so schlimm. See E. Bleiler, — 29 New York: Dover, Denn so einsam, wie ich war, konnte nur ein Lebender sein. Die Rechnung stimmte wohl auch, aber die Voraussetzung ist nicht mehr die gleiche. Die Zeit ist zerbrochen. Originally published in ; the later version was slightly altered by Jens. David McDuff London: Penguin, , — Aber sie wissen es nicht. Sie werden angeklagt, sie werden Zeuge, und sie werden Richter.
Aber sie wissen nicht darum. Sie haben alle die gleichen Gedanken, gebrauchen die gleichen Gesten. Doch sie wissen es nicht. Philip B. Miller, —16 New York: E. Dutton, Gestalten lebten auf ihm. Broch, Der Tod des Vergil, Es geht nicht, oder wir teilen seine Schuld, die uns zerbricht. Germany lost thousands of its most talented and educated citizens, from writers like Bertolt Brecht and Anna Seghers to scientists like Albert Einstein. In the aftermath of the Nazi dictatorship, this was surely one of the most important questions facing the citizens of the defeated nation.
Moreover, how was Germany to recover from such a tremendous loss of talent and intellect? Was the Kulturnation located inside the territory of the no-longer-existing Staatsnation after , or had German emigrants taken it with them? Where can one locate it, even if only geographically? The debate that emerged in about Mann specifically and German emigrants more generally represented the first major literary-cultural battle of the postwar period, an early attempt to locate the Kulturnation on the map of the defeated nation. As Mann himself noted, the debate that revolved around him concerned the entirety of the German emigration, for which Mann, whether willingly or not, became the representative embodiment.
As he put it in a speech delivered at the Library of Congress in Washington in and published in the Atlantic Monthly during the following year, Mann believed that the very aspects that were best in German culture, and that had won for Germany the admiration of other nations, had also helped to make possible that which was worst in German culture. Characterizing his remarks as a brief mental history of Germany, Mann declared: This story should convince us of one thing: that there are not two Germanys, a good one and a bad one, but only one, whose best turned into evil through devilish cunning.
Wicked Germany is merely good Germany gone 7 astray, good Germany in misfortune, in guilt, and in ruin. In a speech about the Nazi concentration camps broadcast over the radio to Germany on May 8, , the day of German surrender, Mann made his belief in German culpability explicit to a German audience.
Given both Nazi vilifications of emigrants and ongoing resentment by nonemigrants, exiles were not, for the most part, warmly welcomed home in postwar Germany, particularly in the west. Although invitations to return to Germany after the end of the Second World War were made by various people and institutions to a number of individual exile writers, from Brecht to Fritz von Unruh, there were few general calls for all exiles to return home.
The German leaders of the Soviet zone were themselves former emigrants, while for the most part the German leaders in the western zones emerged from the ranks of those who had remained in Germany during the Third Reich.
Das waren die Tage...
For this reason we call upon them to build a better Germany with 12 us. Implying that Mann had no reason either to hate or to fear his own people and therefore no reason not to return to Germany, von Molo declared that, in spite of insidious Nazi hate propaganda, the German people were not guilty of the hatred and evil represented by the Third Reich. What von Molo had neglected to take into account in his letter to Mann was the physical, psychological, and spiritual suffering of German exiles.
The only people about whom von Molo wrote as victims were the citizens of Germany who had remained in Germany — as if Germans who had left Germany, far from suffering, had somehow escaped the suffering reserved for their fatherland. Since the first year of Nazi rule, this term, and terms similar to it, had been used by Germans both at home and abroad to refer to Germans who remained in their homeland but nevertheless felt themselves alienated from the Nazi regime. His arguments corresponded to a widespread vituperation against not only Mann himself but also the entire German exile community.
I say: our disgrace. Germany is to become democratic. In his provocative essay, Frank Thiess made a distinction between two kinds of writers who had remained in Germany: those who supported or conformed to the Nazi regime and those who did not support or even opposed it.atlantic.cerebralgardens.com/pequeo-manual-para-escritores-inditos.php
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Where von Molo had simply failed to take into account the suffering of German emigrants, Thiess actually denied it. In a Nietzschean assertion of the dignity and essential worth of suffering, Thiess claimed that remaining in Germany had been a difficult and painful task that nevertheless strengthened and improved the individual.
Those who had remained in a suffering Germany knew and felt more than those who had escaped in time. It makes a difference whether I experience the burning of my home myself or watch it in the weekly newsreel, whether I am hungry myself or simply read about starvation in the newspapers, whether I survive the hail of bombs on German cities myself or have people give me reports about it, whether I diagnose the unprecedented decline of a people directly in a hundred individual 37 cases or simply register it as a historical fact.
They are impregnated with the smell of blood and 48 disgrace. They ought all to be pulped. Serenus Zeitblom, the narrator of Doktor Faustus, is precisely an inner emigrant. He begins his composition on May 23, and ends it when the war itself has come to an end. Indeed, the repercussions of the debate continued to be felt four years later, when two new German states were to emerge out of the postwar chaos.
The ease with which Bergengruen was nevertheless able to put such a questionable parallel into verse form suggests that he and a great many other German intellectuals had not yet even begun the difficult task of recognizing, let alone trying to atone for, German crimes against humanity. In an unusual twist on the theme of suffering, Otto Flake, author of numerous society novels set in the posh resort town of Baden-Baden, wrote in the Badener Tageblatt of December 8, that by living through and carrying out the evils of the Third Reich, Germany had performed a heroic and beneficent task, demonstrating to the peoples of the world the tremendous danger of nihilism in the contemporary world: Germans were foolish enough to live out for the modern world the danger that in fact threatens it: specifically, the megalomania that appears as soon as the old bonds are destroyed.
In their blindness, the Germans were ready to welcome a satanic division of labor — the same division that allows those who are all too hard-working to take over the servicing of the sewers while others, their hands in their pockets, look 55 on in disdain. Once again it implied that in fighting the Second World War and committing all the crimes that accompanied it Germans had somehow been doing other nations a favor. Exactly what chestnuts had been pulled out of what fire Flake did not make clear; but it was evident that for him Germans were the redeemers of humanity. In Die Schuldfrage, Jaspers suggested that one of the most common ways of evading the problem of German guilt was to resort to precisely the kind of vague and pompous historico-philosophical ponderings embodied in the declarations of Flake, Thiess, and Bergengruen.
As Jaspers wrote, Interpreting our own disaster as due to the guilt of all, we give it a metaphysical weight by the development of a new interpretation, in which Germany is the sacrificial substitute in the catastrophe of the age. It erupts in the universal guilt, and atones for all. The extent of the anger expressed by many German intellectuals against Mann in the immediate postwar years suggests that the debate surrounding him had touched a raw nerve. He remained our own true son, and not a prodigal.
In view of the cold war tensions causing the German division, Friedrich Sieburg, literary critic and co-editor of the journal Die Gegenwart The Present , suggested that the Kulturnation itself was being eroded. From Frankfurt to Weimar — in the minute space that covers the greatest of German life paths — the world is so changed that whoever is of value to us over there can hardly be valuable here.
Thus the Iron Curtain runs through the middle of the fragile world of 72 our spiritual values. Is our Goethe no longer their Goethe? But Mann himself refused to acknowledge the immanent division of his homeland. The writer demonstrated his adherence to the concept of the Kulturnation by ignoring the new political boundaries between East and West and visiting both Frankfurt and Weimar. The rejection of the emigrant experience was part and parcel both of National Socialist propaganda and of postwar West German culture, and it helped set the tone for the literary cold war between East and West, in which the idea of a greater German Kulturnation was weakened.
Wo ist es aufzufinden, auch nur geographisch? Wie kehrt man heim in sein Vaterland, das als Einheit nicht existiert? Grosser, ed. Fischer, Translator not identified. Fischer, , — Mann, Doktor Faustus, , For the corresponding passages in the Lowe-Porter translation, see , Deshalb rufen wir sie auf, mit uns ein besseres Deutschland aufzubauen. Inge Jens Frankfurt: S. Fischer, , Deutschen Schriftstellerkongresses vom Oktober , ed. Peter de Mendelssohn Frankfurt: Fischer, , , entry for 7 November Ich sage: unsere Schmach. Mann, Doktor Faustus, — Deutschland soll demokratisch werden.
Karl O. Paetel, 32—38; here, 33 New York: Friedrich Krause, Thiess is approvingly citing a statement reportedly made by the writer Erich Ebermayer to Mann in Treue schworen und unter Goebbels Kultur betrieben, nicht durchgemacht. Ein Geruch von Blut und Schande haftet ihnen an.
Sie sollten alle eingestampft werden. Ashton New York: Dial Press, , — Er blieb unser aller unverlorener Sohn. So geht der Eiserne Vorhang mitten durch die gebrechliche Welt unserer geistigen Werte. Ist unser Goethe nicht mehr ihr Goethe? Emphasis in the original.
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The fountain pens have been freshly tanked up. The new color ribbons are trembling with impatience. The typewriters are scraping their hooves nervously. German culture and the surrounding villages are holding their breaths. It can only be a matter of seconds now. Finally the starting gun has sounded! The pens are whizzing over the paper. The fingers are racing over the keys. The race of the year has begun: the Goethe Derby on the classic year stretch! He had a decisive role in the formation of German national consciousness. Over the course of the nineteenth century, Goethe had come to be viewed as the greatest representative of the German Kulturnation.
He was, as the distinguished scholar Ernst Robert Curtius argued, the one great German classicist, and moreover the last undisputed literary genius to be produced by the postclassical western world after Dante and Shakespeare, figures who, as Curtius declared, had achieved a creative totalization of western traditions. The Kultur embodied by Goethe and other less exalted figures was a realm outside history and beyond economics, a quiet realm of noble contemplation and greatness.
The noblest pass it on to each other. Theodor W. Adorno has written that cultural conservatives in Germany during the first half of the twentieth century were driven by a fundamentally static understanding of culture as a lasting value impervious to the vagaries of economic downturns. Precisely because of the rapid economic changes associated with the onset of modernity, Kultur became, Adorno believed, both a refuge and a form of self-justification. In a world of instability and change, Kultur remained an unchanging, reliable quantity.
Kultur had always provided idealistic shelter from the risks of a changing social situation; paradoxically, however, in providing such a shelter it also helped to stabilize and perpetuate the very forces that had made shelter necessary. It functioned as a kind of pressure valve, allowing for the escape of pent-up tensions. But the security provided by Kultur helped to preserve the insecurity of modern economic and social relations. In , however, it was unclear just how secure German Kultur actually was. The war had destroyed not just factories and government buildings but also major cultural centers.
It is as if Goethe had only now truly died. They declared: Property of the nation. It was more than just Allied bombs that threatened the continuity of German culture at the end of the war. German cultural values were threatened from inside the nation as well. Kultur and the Bildung education and development of the individual associated with it in German tradition were supposed to cultivate the senses, the imagination, and aesthetic and moral judgment, thus helping to create better human beings.
For ordinary human beings, aesthetic sensibility provided a route toward truth and moral goodness that might otherwise be closed to them. What was aesthetically good and what was morally good were supposed to form a unity; beauty and morality went hand-in-hand. The Second World War and the many German crimes against humanity associated with it, however, presented the achievements of German Kultur and Bildung in a less than favorable light. After all, this supposedly superior nation had embroiled Europe in a murderous war and imprisoned, tortured, and killed millions of people, including vast numbers of women and children, in concentration camps.
In what way did these crimes square with the notion of German Kultur as uniquely beneficent? Is it the law of a creative people living by the fruits of 21 its own creations? The same basic question was to be asked again and again in different ways during the postwar period. Such an argument also provided a seemingly reasonable explanation for German crimes against humanity: these crimes had been possible precisely because Germans under the Nazis had broken with a previously intact and praiseworthy humanist tradition. If this was true, then the most important task facing postwar Germans in the cultural realm was to reforge the link with a broken tradition — not a zero hour at all but rather a conservative restoration in the wake of Nazi barbarism.
Fire from all the roofs! We praise 26 The future, and with it comes despair. As Johannes R. Only they can take the shame away from you. He argued that the great humanist was capable of providing Germans with important assistance in establishing a postwar national identity. Far from envisioning as teaching a lesson of radical discontinuity, many Germans on both the right and the left and in both the West and the East believed that the German catastrophe called for a renewed commitment to forgotten values, particularly the classical idealism represented by Goethe.
In their view, Germany had already witnessed more than enough radical breaks in the twentieth century, and it was time now for a reestablishment and restoration of lost traditions — as Hans Paeschke suggested in the first issue of Merkur, one of the most important intellectual journals to emerge in 36 the postwar period. For Curtius, the radical destructiveness of the twentieth century was part of a much longer history of self-destruction in western civilization.
But she is reassured to observe that: He did not gaze into the grave, He was counting the rows of windows, He was spying into rooms of purest air As if candlelight were shining there.
The narrator interprets her vision as a sign that although buildings may be destroyed, the cultural tradition for which they stood remains untouched and untouchable: Then I knew him to be untouched By the bloody crime, Because those who are themselves complete Can only see completion. And I heard, before he disappeared, A tone of bright elation And read on the sign over refuse and sand The words: property of the nation. In order to make a home for the genuine furniture and mementos that had been removed from the house prior to its destruction, the context in which those items had been placed on display for visitors would be faithfully recreated.
The decision to rebuild the Goethe House was not without controversy. Some critics saw it as a falsification, indeed a counterfeiting. Moreover, not all Germans were as convinced as Kaschnitz that their cultural traditions were unsullied and unproblematic. Four years after the end of the war, the young Swiss playwright Max Frisch expressed his skepticism about the value of Kultur in fending off barbarism by reminding his readers that Reinhard Heydrich, one of the most brutal of Nazi leaders, had been a man of cultural refinement: In my opinion one of the decisive lessons.
Particularly shocking for Johannes is the fact that one of the concentration camp commanders is the son of a Protestant minister and thus a representative of German literary and moral Bildung. The sheer horror of his experiences in Buchenwald makes Johannes begin to doubt the cultural mission of his nation. It has lost the power to elicit surprise, even though it still offends.
Where Were You, Adam? Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Wiechert mentions the Goethe oak in Der Totenwald; it affords his alter ego Johannes spiritual comfort. By the time he leaves Buchenwald several months later, however, Johannes has ceased to find consolation in Goethe: Once more Johannes went up to the oak, beneath which he had stood so often.
The stars filled the dark sky as distant and cold as ever. This was a place to which no comfort flowed from those far-distant worlds. In the Dutch socialist Nico Rost published a German translation of the diary that he had kept while imprisoned in the Dachau concentration camp during the final year of the war.
In a novella published in , Stefan Hermlin addressed in fiction the very problem faced by the real-life Nico Rost in Dachau. In a world of torture and depravity, does it make sense to devote oneself to Romantic poetry? There are situations in which art, any art, is opposed to life, and in which art ought actually to have nothing more to say to life. The philosopher took this position with respect not only to Goethe but to all of the German cultural heritage.
Acknowledging that it was precisely ancestors like Goethe under whose auspices Germans achieve identity, Jaspers nevertheless declared that postwar Germany was permanently separated from all previous traditions. Given the enormity of the German catastrophe even the past was no longer as certain as it had previously seemed, the philosopher argued.
Jaspers suggested that the thousands of years of western history that had resulted in Goethe were now over, and that what faced Germans after was a kind of posthistory. Precisely because Goethe and his reception were so important in the constitution of German identity, Jaspers argued, it was important to redefine the meaning of Goethe in the postwar situation. Just as the Germany of was no longer the Germany of , so too the postwar Goethe must become different from the prewar Goethe. For many Germans, Curtius stood on the side of a reassuring cultural continuity.
He defended a heritage too important to be lost. His message to Germans was to reassert their connection to cultural traditions that had been tossed aside during the Nazi years. Jaspers, on the other hand, was perceived as the representative of a disrespect for tradition that could ultimately lead to the very nihilistic denial of values that was perceived as having led to the Nazi catastrophe in the first place.
Jaspers was attacked not just in the West but also in the East. Within this context, both of the nascent German states sought to claim for themselves the authentic heritage of the Kulturnation, thus substantially weakening the ability of Kultur to serve as a bridge over politically troubled waters. In both Germanys a revived Goethe cult was presented as an adequate response to the German crimes of the immediate past and as an insurance policy against potential relapses in the future.
In the West Goethe was presented in the largely apolitical and idealistic terms of the inner emigration, while in the East Goethe was depicted as the optimistic precursor of a future — and now present — socialist Germany. The debates about cultural tradition that occurred in Germany during the first five years after the end of the Second World War demonstrated the profound uncertainty Germans felt as a supposed Kulturnation that had nevertheless shown itself capable of the worst barbarity. The fact that the cultural tradition represented by Goethe had been incapable of preventing the Nazi disaster challenged the traditional belief that Bildung and Kultur invariably lead to the moral improvement of both the individual and the nation.
Those Were the Days (German translation)
The most widespread reaction to this challenge was simply to deny it. He who steeps himself in them will detect something indestructible — a German character indeliblis — in the midst of all the destruction and misfortune of our Fatherland. The Germanist Richard Alewyn, a former emigrant who had recently returned to Germany, made a substantially similar argument in an important speech given at the University of Cologne in that was to influence profoundly the course of postwar German understanding of Goethe specifically and the cultural tradition more generally.
Yesterday Hitler, today Goethe, and tomorrow? There are only Goethe and Hitler, humanity and bestiality. There is only one or none at all. Die Federhalter haben frisch getankt. Es kann sich nur noch um Sekunden handeln. Karl Robert Mandelkow, —13; here, Munich: C. Beck, Die Edlen reichen sie einander weiter.
Jeremy J. Shapiro Boston: Beacon Press, This essay was written in and first published in Soziologische Forschung in unserer Zeit, ed. Es ist, als sei er [Goethe] nun erst wirklich gestorben. Reginald Snell Bristol: Thoemmes Press, , Spelling corrected and punctuation altered. Einen Anfang setzen. Storck Marbach: Deutsche Schillergesellschaft, , 23—24; here,