Le crime de la rue de lAumône (Policiers) (French Edition)
Puis subitement, plus de nouvelles. Marie-Louise Pailleron. Mais quelle folie, mon Dieu, et tellement inutile! Il est mort pour servir la France. Pasquier, le gouverneur de l'Indochine, et de M. Le repas fut donc non seulement charmant, mais instructif. Elle montre, une fois de plus, avec quels soins minutieux et patients il recherchait et groupait ces documents sur lesquels son puissant esprit fondait ensuite ses jugements.
Moins discret de nature, j'eusse poursuivi ces relations. Directoire du Gard. Au bas de la page, cette note de Taine 1 Archives Nationales. Ib, F 7, lettre de M. La cause de ces troubles est dans les passions religieuses. Daniel Vierge lui donna d'admirables pages, qui suscitaient l'enthousiasme des amateurs et des artistes. Jaccaci notant ses impres-. Conscient de sa terrible- malad je, il. Ses illustres amis, cependant, ne l'oubliaient pas. Les voyages l'eussent. Emile auquel M.
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Uinafa-JClptel 7 jrg pens. Avec s. Le plus grand confort. La Swastika, meilleur fox-terrier poil dur, est. Antoine Vlasto. Pour renseignements, s'adresr. Ledoyen, 13, rue Claude-Lorrain. Metro division officers Vinson, Kennedy, Reiber and Pinckney served sweltering community members. It should go without saying, with all the nation has learned about policing in the past two years, but the race of the officer who killed Scott has little to no bearing on if Scott himself was killed because he was black.
Even more, research on the impact of police force diversity on officer-involved homicides has found no relationship between the racial representation of police forces and police killings in the cities they serve. In fact, one study revealed that the best way to predict how many police shootings might occur in a city is to look at the size of its black population.
All of that without mentioning the troubling accounts from black police officers of the racism they experience on the force and the pressure they often face to engage in race-based policing in the communities they serve. Ice Cube put it simply in on N. Black police showing out for the white cop.
Perquisitions, interpellations... après les attentats, l'état d'urgence
To be sure, America could benefit from more diversity in its police force, especially in communities of color. That number jumps to 70 percent for patrol officers and nearly 80 percent for police supervisors. Colin, je respecte votre position mais ne manquez pas de respect au drapeau. Qui est Colin Kaepernick? Mais le joueur a tenu bon. Mais Colin Kaepernick semble pouvoir compter sur le soutien de son club. En cause? Des fois, ils se posaient. Puis ils repartaient. Le petit groupe finira par quitter les lieux.
The manipulation is the latest example of calculated French-bashing fuelled by collusion between the goals of political Islam and compliant media outlets seeking culture clash cliches. Alshelh and her family, just like her burkini — which leading French Muslim women such as broadcaster Sonia Mabrouk, Charlie Hebdo journalist Zineb El Rhazoui and radicalisation prevention champion Nadia Remadna condemn as a standard bearer of extremism and the retrograde notion that women are impure vessels whose bodies must be covered — are not just your regular mainstream Muslims, as presented in the program.
Au contraire. According to people quoted in the newspaper Nice-Matin , the entire show smelled of a set-up. The swimming public were upset to see the camera crew filming them and their children without permission in a country where privacy is legally protected and paparazzi do not have the same rights as they do in Australia to film without consent.
They walked up and down the beach for several minutes, then they stopped and sat down right in front of the TV crew. And that was why everyone on the beach started looking in the direction of the TV crew. He never asked these three people to leave the beach. He spoke to the camera because he was asking the cameraman to leave. The man and the two women almost ran to get themselves set-up. In 10 seconds they had laid out their towels and planted their umbrella. They put themselves right in the middle of the jet-ski corridor of the private beach. Because they were in the way of others, the owner of the beach came out and asked them to move.
Then they started moving again. It was dishonest sensationalism that deliberately skewed complex issues surrounding secularism a la francaise and surging religious fundamentalism of the Islamist variety in the context of ever-present terrorist threats and a state of emergency. Next time Seven should finance Zeynab Alshelh trying her luck taking off her veil in Saudi Arabia or Iran, or perhaps the trainee doctor could use hidden camera techniques in Egypt on doctors practising illegal female genital mutilation on the vast majority of little girls. Attention: une tribalisation peut en cacher une autre!
The two events produced one of Mrs. As with the irrepressible email server, Mrs. Perhaps sensing that public knowledge of what she really thinks could be a political liability, Mrs. Clinton is right that they feel the system has let them down. A lot of them will vote for Donald Trump because they want a radical mid-course correction. Which Mrs. The progressive Democrats, a wholly public-sector party, have disconnected from the realities of the private economy, which exists as a mysterious revenue-producing abstraction.
Those are all potent words. Or once were. The racism of the Jim Crow era was ugly, physically cruel and murderous.
● Des perturbations sur les routes
Today, progressives output these words as reflexively as a burp. Nativists exist, and the sky is still blue. This is the reason. One wonders if even some of the people in Mrs. Presidential politics has become hyper-focused on individual personalities because the media rubs them in our face nonstop. It is a mistake, though, to blame Hillary alone for that derisive remark.
A Clinton victory would enable and entrench the forces her comment represents. They have chopped American society into so many offendable identities that only a Yale freshman can name them all. In fact, he went on to deride Americans for a list of supposed transgressions ranging from the Vietnam War to environmental desecration to the 19th century treatment of Native Americans.
The attack on supposedly insular Americans was somewhat bizarre, given that Obama himself knows no foreign languages. He often seems confused about even basic world geography. Contrary to his past remarks, the Islamic world did not spark either the Western Renaissance or the Enlightenment. But divisive sermonizing and the issuing of executive orders are not the same as successfully reforming our health-care system.
The Affordable Care Act, born of exaggeration and untruth, is now in peril as insurers pull out and the costs of premiums and deductibles soar. The U. Racial relations in this country seem as bad as they have been in a half-century. Near energy independence through fracking is certainly a revolutionary development, but it arrived largely despite, not because of, the Obama administration.
The sharper the sermon, the more Obama preps himself for his post-presidency as a social justice warrior, akin to the pre-political incarnation of Obama as a community organizer. It will not be found in either foreign- or domestic-policy accomplishment. More likely, he will be viewed as an outspoken progressive who left office loudly in the same manner that he entered it — as a critic of the culture and country in which he has thrived. But there may be another, unspoken legacy of Obama, and it is his creation of the candidacy of Donald J.
Trump is running as an angry populist, fueled by the promise that whatever supposed elites such as Obama have done to the country, he will largely undo. He was pleased the Trump campaign used his artwork. Vance National review August 29, The United States has never been entirely sure what to do about race. Alone among the countries in the world, it has attempted to construct not just a state of different tribes, but a nation of them — white and black, Christian and Muslim, and many others, too.
Its sense of nationalism has evolved unevenly, slowly incorporating an ever growing chunk of the people within its borders, and it has made steady progress. Yet offers reasons for unique alarm. The progress of recent decades, both political and social, appears to have evaporated in the past few years. And the problems, as so often, are focused on the two oldest classes of our poor. These two underclasses pre-date the United States as a political union.
The black underclass, brought here in chains, toiled for centuries in the hopes of earning freedom — first physical, then political. They found themselves concentrated in the South — the home of King Cotton. The white underclass, many of whom descended from Scots-Irish peasants of the motherland, came here freely. They tended to concentrate in the rural parts of the eastern United States, especially along the Appalachian Mountains.
The paths of these tribes have sometimes intersected. When recently freed slaves began to marry the white indentured servants of Virginia planters, their children took on a color that entitled them to all of the burdens of their darker-skinned parent. So they moved to eastern Kentucky and eastern Tennessee, called themselves Cherokee Indians, and attempted to live in peace. A century later, as the industrial economies of the North created millions of new jobs, the white and black underclasses went hunting for opportunities.
The black folks encountered a spate of indignities and a government housing policy that forced them into artificial urban ghettos. And the white establishment, confronted for the first time with people who looked like them but possessed none of their sensibilities, treated these seemingly foreign whites with scorn.
As anthropologist John Hartigan Jr. Rather, these migrants disrupted a broad set of assumptions held by northern whites about how white people appeared, spoke, and behaved. The disturbing aspect of hillbillies was their racialness. Ostensibly, they were of the same racial order whites as those who dominated economic, political, and social power in local and national arenas. But hillbillies shared many regional characteristics with the southern blacks arriving in Detroit.
In the face of these pressures, the two groups took different approaches to politics. The white poor, unencumbered by legal discrimination, focused on a politics of class. From Jackson to Truman, they voted their pocketbook, taught their children to mistrust the rich man, and hated the elites who looked down on them. As Martin Luther King Jr. Black people, meanwhile, understandably voted the color of their skin, putting their trust in whoever promised to tear down the most legal barriers. Sometimes, as with Lyndon Baines Johnson, these interests aligned, delivering supermajorities in the process.
But those moments were largely the product of chance. The civil-rights successes of the s were supposed to change that. In , the eminent sociologist William Julius Wilson argued confidently that class would soon displace race as the most important social variable in American life. As explicit legal barriers to minority advancement receded farther into the past, the fates of the working classes of different races would converge. Race appeared to lose its salience as a political predictor: More and more blacks were voting Republican, reversing a decades-long trend, and in George W.
Bush collected the highest share of the Latino 44 percent vote of any Republican ever and a higher share of the Asian vote 43 percent than he did in Stable majorities expressed satisfaction with the state of race relations. But in the midst of the financial crisis of , something happened. Both the white poor and the black poor began to struggle mightily, though for different reasons. And our politics changed dramatically in response. By , William Julius Wilson had published a slight revision of his earlier thesis, noting the continued importance of race.
The black wealth of the s, it turned out, was built on the mirage of house values. Inner-city murder rates, which had fallen for decades, began to tick upward in In one of the deadliest mass shootings in recent memory, a white supremacist murdered nine black people in a South Carolina church. And the ever-present antagonism between the police and black Americans — especially poor blacks whose neighborhoods are the most heavily policed — erupted into nationwide protests.
Meanwhile, the white working class descended into an intense cultural malaise. Prescription-opioid abuse skyrocketed, and deaths from heroin overdoses clogged the obituaries of local papers. In the small, heavily white Ohio county where I grew up, overdoses overtook nature as the leading cause of death. A drug that for so long was associated with inner-city ghettos became the cultural inheritance of the southern and Appalachian white: White youths died from heroin significantly more often than their peers of other ethnicities.
Incarceration and divorce rates increased steadily. And even as each group struggled in its own way, common forces also influenced them. Rising automation in blue-collar industries deprived both groups of high-paying, low-skill jobs. Neighborhoods grew increasingly segregated — both by income and by race — ensuring that poor whites lived among poor whites while poor blacks lived among poor blacks. Predictably, our politics began to match this new social reality. In , Mitt Romney collected only 27 percent of the Latino vote.
Asian Americans, a solid Republican constituency even in the days of Bob Dole, went for Obama by a three-to-one margin — a shocking demographic turn of events over two decades. Meanwhile, the black Republican became an endangered species. Republican failures to attract black voters fly in the face of Republican history. This was the party of Lincoln and Douglass. Eisenhower integrated the school in Little Rock at a time when the Dixiecrats were the defenders of the racial caste system.
Republicans, rightfully proud of this history, constructed a narrative to explain their modern failures: Black people had permanently changed, become addicted to the free stuff of the s social-welfare state; the Democratic party was little more than a new plantation, offering goodies in exchange for permanent dependence. There was no allowance for the obvious: that the black vote drifted away from Republicans en masse only after Goldwater became the last major presidential candidate to oppose the s civil-rights agenda.
By the time Republicans officially nominated Donald Trump as their presidential candidate, he polled even lower among Latinos than Romney had. Asian Americans, arguably the most financially successful minority group in the United States, have abandoned the party in droves. In nominating Trump, Republicans have come full circle: The party of Lincoln has become the party of the white man. And that man has become extremely cynical.
I n , the way Republicans talk about race reflects the changed composition of their party. It was an astonishingly candid and troubling display of racial resentment, the sort of thing that would have ended a career in a more diverse party. But it was also revealing: The commentator offered a straightforward, if intemperate, remark about the composition of the RNC delegation, and King viewed it as an attack on the white race.
King expressed a sentiment with relatively broad currency: that white people are discriminated against in some way. Research by Samuel Sommers and Michael Norton suggests that the average white person now feels that anti-white bias is a bigger problem than other forms of racial discrimination.
For many progressives, the Sommers and Norton research confirms the worst stereotypes of American whites. Yet it also reflects, in some ways, the natural conclusions of an increasingly segregated white poor. In this era of rising residential segregation, conversations about race happen in more-insular environments — especially online.
And in the face of a social crisis unmatched in their recent memory, poor whites have been confronted with a confusing and alarming idea: that they are the privileged ones. Imagine a high-school senior in West Virginia. His father managed to find one of the ever scarcer jobs in the coal mines, and though it has allowed him to put food on the family table, it has destroyed his body in the process.
His mother died a decade ago, the victim of a few too many Percocets. So he tries to figure out financial aid — Stafford loans and unsubsidized loans and grants and scholarships, whatever in the hell that all means — before concluding that he could make a down payment on a nice home if he put college off for a decade. One day, he stumbles across an article from Breitbart. The reality is not that black Americans enjoy special privileges. In fact, the overwhelming weight of the evidence suggests that the opposite is true.
Last month, for instance, the brilliant Harvard economist Roland Fryer published an exhaustive study of police uses of force. He found that even after controlling for crime rates and police presence in a given neighborhood, black youths were far likelier to be pushed, thrown to the ground, or harassed by police. Notably, he also found no racial disparity in the use of lethal force. No other study of comparable rigor exists on the subject, and its conclusion is clear: that black youth derive their fear of police from experience. The injury done to our black citizens is important and no respectable party can ignore it.
In law school, the police regularly harassed one of my best friends, who is black, even though he attended Yale just as I did. Republican senator Tim Scott S. But the great advantages of whiteness in America are invisible to the white poor, or are completely swallowed by the disadvantages of their class. The young man from West Virginia may be less likely to get questioned by Yale University police, but making it to Yale in the first place still requires a remarkable combination of luck and skill. White failure to empathize with blacks is sometimes a failure of character, but it is increasingly a failure of geography and socialization.
That working-class whites have failed to rise to the challenge is perhaps regrettable. But in a world where many poor whites know very few blacks of any class, it is not especially surprising. On one side are primarily white people, increasingly represented by the Republican party and the institutions of conservative media. On the other is a collection of different minority groups and a cosmopolitan — and usually wealthier — class of whites.
There is no room for agreement or even understanding. The institutional offshoots of this peculiar moment have monopolized the conversation. Donald Trump is the voice of poor white America. The Black Lives Matter movement is the voice of dispossessed blacks and their sympathizers. And the Black Lives Matter movement, focused primarily on police violence, cannot alone address the full spectrum of problems faced by the black underclass.
It is tempting to suggest that we change the way we talk about these issues. Perhaps rhetoric on the right that accepted the legitimate black complaints about inequality, paired with a less combative tone on the left, would allow for some progress. As volumes of social science attest, understanding requires empathy, and empathy requires exposure. The only way out of this morass is to integrate the tribes. This would require a conservative agenda that appealed to black Americans. Recent Pew polls suggest that black Americans care especially about residential segregation and access to good schools.
Conservatives have potential answers for each of these problems. Urban ghettos, created by racist housing policy and sustained by bizarre administration of federal housing programs, constitute one of the few entrenched problems amenable to policy interventions. The administration of the federal Section 8 program, for instance, often ignores the importance of eradicating government-created concentrated poverty. Conservative ideas on vouchers and charter schools have delivered better, if still imperfect, schools — often with active participation from local and progressive school leaders.
On issues of special concern to black voters, both the party platform and the speeches were largely silent. The convention devoted an entire evening to violence committed by illegal immigrants but spent no time on family dissolution, a concern of all poor people but especially the black poor. Like so much of what he says, this is utterly unsupported by the evidence. But their hope of better government depends on the development of a better political party. And that party cannot develop in a demographic vacuum. This article originally appeared in the August 29, , issue of National Review.
The Republican presidential nominee was supported by white nationalists, including members of the Ku Klux Klan. African-Americans were publicly protesting institutional racism, often enduring a backlash for their activism.
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Two white people were seeking the presidency and race was a constant and underlying issue, with black people fearing the police and whites feeling threatened by the potential power of African-Americans. Whites, blacks and Hispanics, in polls, voice drastically different perceptions of the discrimination racial and ethnic minorities face. But the current campaign between Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Hillary Clinton suggests race relations might actually be getting worse or, at least, more heated, they say.
While Democrats have long captured an overwhelming majority of the African-American vote, Trump who has gotten less than 1 percent of black voters in some polls is doing worse against Clinton among those voters than either Mitt Romney or John McCain did against Obama. And while race was always an undercurrent of the Obama-McCain contest in , it was less mainstream — racially offensive images and remarks about Obama tended to be contained to extremist websites and niche publications.
And unlike Goldwater, who denounced the KKK and refused their endorsement , Trump refused several times to renounce former Klansman David Duke, insisting he knew nothing about him. He later said a faulty earpiece kept him from hearing the question clearly. Polling shows the races have widely divergent ideas of what life is like for racial and ethnic minorities.
A recent Pew Research Center study showed that just 45 percent of whites thought race relations were generally bad, compared to 61 percent of African-Americans and 58 percent of Hispanics. Meanwhile, 41 percent of whites believe too much attention is being paid to racial issues, compared to 25 percent of blacks and 22 percent of Hispanics. The same study showed that African-Americans are about twice as likely as whites to say discrimination is holding back success for black Americans.
A recent PRRI poll also showed a large difference in perception of equality when the question was put to Democrats who have African-Americans and Latinos in their base of support and Republicans who have a bigger portion of the white vote. About 80 percent of Democrats believe that both African-Americans and immigrants face significant discrimination in society, compared to 32 percent of Republicans who think blacks face significant discrimination, and 46 percent who say immigrants suffer from bias. And a Suffolk University poll Sept. When African-Americans have protested against what they see as institutional racism, they have faced aggressive push-back.
When mixed-race San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick refused to stand for the national anthem, citing oppression of African-Americans and people of color, critics burned his jersey. Trump said Kaepernick should find another country in which to live. That disparity in perspective has come to define the views on race relation held, generally, by supporters of the respective presidential candidates. As for statistics showing that African-Americans are far more likely to be shot and killed by police than whites, Borelli points to the same social problems Trump assigns to black communities, saying poverty and unemployment lead to crime.
A ny Republican has a difficult pathway to the presidency. On the electoral map, expanding blue blobs in coastal and big-city America swamp the conservative geographical sea of red. Big-electoral-vote states such as California, Illinois, New York, and New Jersey are utterly lost before the campaign even begins. The media have devolved into a weird Ministry of Truth.
News seems defined now as what information is necessary to release to arrive at correct views. When the media got through with a good man like McCain, he was left an adulterous, confused septuagenarian, unsure of how many mansions he owned, and a likely closeted bigot. Why would not end up again in losing nobly? Would once again campaigning under the Marquess of Queensberry rules win Republicans a Munich reprieve? In such a hysterical landscape, it was possible that no traditional Republican in was likely to win, even against a flawed candidate like Hillary Clinton, who emerged wounded from a bruising primary win over aged socialist Bernie Sanders.
Then came along the Trump, the seducer of the Right when the Republican establishment was busy early on coronating Jeb Bush. She surely would bury him under a sea of cash, consultants, and sheer manpower. Her winning paradigm was seen as simply anti-Trump rather than pro-Hillary: light campaigning to conserve her disguised fragile health, while giving full media attention to allow Trump to elucidate his fully obnoxious self.
Her campaign was to be a series of self-important selfies, each more flattering to the beholder but otherwise of no interest to her reluctant supporters. Hillary would rely on the old Obama team of progressive hit men in the public-employee unions, the news ministries, the pajama-boy bloggers, the race industry, and the open-borders lobbies to brand Trump supporters as racist, sexist, misogynist, Islamophobic, nativist, homophobic. Trump at his worst was never put away by Hillary at her best, and he has stayed within six to eight points for most of his awful August and is now nipping her heels as October nears.
But he is most aided by the daily news cycle that cannot be quite contorted to favor Hillary Clinton. When Barack Obama is reduced to begging African-American audiences, on the basis of racial solidarity, to vote for Hillary to preserve his ego and legacy, something is up. All that news buzz is sandwiched by almost hourly reports of hacked e-mails, Clinton Foundation scandals, and violations of federal protocols — drip, drip, drip disclosures with more promised on the horizon. Some wondered, Why did not Hillary come clean and end the psychodramas?
But that is like asking blue jays to become songbirds. Hubris does finally earn nemesis — and at the most disastrous Oedipal moment. This time around, even the media is no defense against an entirely new 21st-century hydra. Cyber serpents have no ideologies other than anarchist ruin. Hackers give Hillary no more exemption, due to her professed progressivism, than they would any other sucker foolish enough to be famous, sloppy in electronic communications, and self-righteous, sanctimonious, and slippery.
Ask the ambidextrous and once iconic Colin Powell. He needed to win as many independents as Romney, enthuse some new Reagan Democrats to return to politics, keep steady the Republican establishment, and win at least as much of the Latino and black vote as had the underperforming McCain and Romney — all to win seven or eight swing states. He planned to do that, in addition to not stepping on IEDs, through the simple enough strategy of an outraged outsider not nibbling, but blasting away, at political correctness, reminding audiences that he was not a traditional conservative, but certainly more conservative than Hillary, and a roguish celebrity billionaire with a propensity to talk with, not down to, the lower middle classes.
That the establishment was repulsed by his carroty look, his past scheming, his Queens-accented bombast, and his nationalist policies only made him seem more authentic to his supporters, old and possibly new as well. The more Trump grew unnaturally calmer, he became somewhat presentable, and the more he did, the more a flummoxed Hillary returned to her natural shrillness — and likewise became less viable.
By late September, Trump had slowly mastered the electoral formula, in part due to his new campaign staff — ridiculed as amateurs by the handler establishment but who were versed in pop culture that may have made establishment politics this year obsolete. In good Obama the erstwhile opponent of gay marriage and big deficits and Clinton the former free trader and closed-borders advocate style, Trump became a version of the comic-book character The Flash: He left his critics far behind to shoot at empty silhouettes while he zoomed miles away to pause in his new incarnation.
Some NeverTrump critics would prefer a Trump electoral disaster that still could redeem their warnings that he would destroy the Republican party; barring that, increasingly many would at least settle to be disliked, but controversial, spoilers in a 1—2 percent loss to Hillary rather than irrelevant in a Trump win. That is simply not a sustainable proposition. Replying in kind to a Gold Star Muslim family or attacking a Mexican-American judge who is a member of a La Raza legal group is, of course, stupid and crass, but perhaps not as stupid as Hillary, before a Manhattan crowd of millionaires, writing off a quarter of America as deplorable, not American, and reprobate racists and bigots.
Similarly, in the old days, any candidates who met with the press, held news conferences, were easily cross-examined, gave out their blood tests and EKG results did Obama or Hillary? The old Wall Street Journal adherence to open borders was not so conservative — at least not for those on the front lines of illegal immigration and without the means to navigate around the concrete ramifications of the open-borders ideologies of apartheid elites. How conservative was a definition of free trade that energized European Union subsidies on agriculture, tariffs on American imports into Japan, Chinese cheating or peddling toxic products, or general dumping into the United States?
By this late date, for millions, wild and often unpredictable populist venting became preferable to being sent to the library to be enlightened by Adam Smith or Edmund Burke. Outsourcing and offshoring did not make the U. Long ago, an Ivy League brand ceased being synonymous with erudition or ethics — as Bill, Hillary, and Barack Obama showed. So hoi polloi were about ready for anything — or rather everything. Les femmes noires et africaines les portent depuis longtemps.
Je mets en place comme un petit atelier dans les toilettes pour les nouer aux jeunes filles qui le souhaitent. Nous sommes entre 30 et 40 participantes chaque semaine. Pourtant, cet acte militant divise outre-Atlantique. Un futur prix Nobel? Roland Fryer y pense-t-il? Je ne savais pas que cela existait! Roland Fryer teste et teste encore, avec une rigueur impressionnante.
Et il passe un temps fou sur le terrain. Cela encourage un comportement agressif. Il se tait. Mais il admet que le plus important pour lui est ce qui marche. Vraiment des choses merveilleuses. Et la technologie? A new study found no evidence of racial bias in police shootings. But last year, a study came to the opposite conclusion. Why did these two papers reach such different conclusions? Because they drew on different data sources and consequently relied on different statistical methods.
Right now, there is no comprehensive official federal database documenting shootings by U. With incomplete and imperfect datasets, researchers are limited in the analyses that they can perform. Right now, there is no official federal database documenting shootings by U. Fryer found that black Houstonites, compared to white Houstonites, were actually almost 25 percent less likely to be shot by police in such encounters.
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Fryer was quite explicit about the fact that his data were specific to Houston and more data are needed in order to understand whether police shootings are racially biased in other parts of the country. Ross, a Ph. Police-Shooting Database. This database has the lofty goal of tracking every police shooting in the U. This type of analysis yields risk ratios that compare relative probabilities rather than exact values. White Americans shot by police are 3. For example, he was able to identify counties in which racial biases may be especially strong. The most important takeaway here is to remember that each study is not a definitive reflection of the truth but an assessment of the data available to a researcher.
The researchers know this. Both authors agree on the need for more readily available and complete data on U. Our current state of scattered record-keeping on police violence only allows researchers to extrapolate limited conclusions that come with many caveats. A comprehensive central database that tracks all instances of police shootings would allow researchers to draw more accurate conclusions.
Until then, we have to remember that a conclusion is only as strong as the data it pulls from—and our data on this issue are weak. Car il y a encore plus fort: Ruy Teixeira. Oui, mais avec un impact qui est donc plus faible. Ce tourisme dit humanitaire qui du volontourisme au honeyteering lune de miel humanitaire ….
Toutes les conneries, je les ai faites. Seulement, il faut les remplir! Deux adolescentes danoises soignent les plaies purulentes de malades au Ghana. Se faire la main, en quelque sorte. Leur meilleur souvenir? Trois classes. Projects Abroad est le leader du tourisme humanitaire. Qui sont ces volontouristes? Comme des touristes tout court. Et puis il y a les touristes.
Qui jouent parfois aux apprentis reporters. Elle attend que je sois seul pour me demander de nouveau. Une cacophonie de charitabilisme. Ils promettent des choses et partent sans jamais revenir. Le gouffre ne se referme pas. Et nous? On recommence le lendemain. Et sans doute de leur mieux. Au zoo participatif. More than 1. They question whether some trips help young adults pad their resumes or college applications more than they help those in need.
All visitors and volunteers get a big warm welcome when they walk in the doors of her facility, Prodesenh. They live with relatives. Some were abandoned by their mothers at birth. Others lost their fathers in accidents or to alcoholism. There are three volunteers here now, all from the U.
Lopez says they give the kids what they need most: love and encouragement. One those volunteers is Kyle Winningham, who just graduated from the University of San Francisco with a degree in entrepreneurship. But today they are cooking. Lopez hands out bowls filled with bright red tomatoes, onions and mint. Haley Nordeen, an international relations major at American University in the District of Columbia, is also spending her entire summer at Prodesenh.
During her first six weeks here, the year-old helped build the newest addition to the center, a small library. Most volunteer tourists are women. But more and more high school students are also traveling and volunteering. His whole Spanish class is in Antigua, sharpening their Spanish skills.
That worldview for many American teens is a lot different than it was two decades ago, says Ken Jones, who owns Maximo Nivel , a volunteer tourism company out of Antigua. He got his start in the travel business, offering only Spanish-language classes. But young people today, he says, want a richer experience.
The industry has exploded in the past few years, says Theresa Higgs, who runs United Planet in Boston. The nonprofit offers what she calls a cultural immersion program. Are they winning? Are they true partners in this? Higgs urges travelers to do their homework and research companies, just as you would before giving to a charity or volunteering for any organization. About a dozen youth from the United Church of Christ from Yarmouth, Maine, are learning how to count to 10 in the Mam language, from an elderly indigenous woman in Guatemala City.
Jacob Kushin. Several years ago, when I was working as a reporter based in Haiti, I came upon a group of older Christian missionaries in the mountains above Port-au-Prince, struggling with heavy shovels to stir a pile of cement and sand. They were there to build a school alongside a Methodist church. Muscular Haitian masons stood by watching, perplexed and a bit amused at the sight of men and women who had come all the way from the United States to do a mundane construction job.
Such people were a familiar sight: They were voluntourists. A study surveyed organizations that market to would-be voluntourists and estimated that 1. A few are celebrities supporting their cause du jour, who drop in to meet locals and witness a project that often bears their name. Many more come to teach English during high school, college vacations or during a gap year. Volunteering seems like an admirable way to spend a vacation. Many of us donate money to foreign charities with the hope of making the world a better place.
Why not use our skills as well as our wallets? These people knew nothing about how to construct a building. Collectively they had spent thousands of dollars to fly here to do a job that Haitian bricklayers could have done far more quickly. Imagine how many classrooms might have been built if they had donated that money rather than spending it to fly down themselves. Perhaps those Haitian masons could have found weeks of employment with a decent wage. Instead, at least for several days, they were out of a job. Besides, constructing a school is relatively easy. Improving education, especially in a place like Haiti, is not.
Did the missionaries have a long-term plan to train and recruit qualified teachers to staff the school? Did they have a budget to pay those teachers indefinitely? Easing global poverty is an enormously complex task. To make so much as a dent requires hard, sustained work, and expertise. Even the experts sometimes get it wrong. Multimillion-dollar projects undertaken by the U.
If smart, dedicated professionals can fail to achieve lasting progress over a period of years, how then is an untrained vacationer supposed to do so in a matter of days? Sometimes, volunteering even causes real harm. And the constant arrivals and departures of volunteers have been linked to attachment disorders in children. There are some volunteers who possess specialized, sought-after skills, of course. In Port-au-Prince I lived across from a Catholic guesthouse where groups of mostly American volunteers would spend their first nights in Haiti.
I remember meeting an ophthalmologist from Milwaukee, who had just spent a week in a remote town in Haiti performing laser eye surgery. He recounted the joy he felt at helping people who were going blind from cataracts to see. But not all volunteers come with an expertise like ophthalmology. Many are religious — the sort of people who cite passages from the Bible, the Torah or the Quran that encourage followers to help those in need.
To many of these people, simply experiencing a foreign culture is not enough. They must change that place for the better. Perhaps we are fooling ourselves. Helping out at an African nursery or digging trenches in rural India might have become a fashionable — and expensive — rite of passage for thousands of young people each year, but volunteers would often do more good staying at home and assisting communities on their own doorstep, a conference on ethical tourism will hear tomorrow. The growing trend for far-flung gap years often combining an element of work in a developing country has become one of the fastest-growing phenomena in the global travel industry.
However, a leading UK charity is warning that whilst often well intentioned in their motives, altruistic young travellers can end up doing more harm than good to their host communities, even potentially fuelling child abuse. Mounting concern that the desire to work in orphanages in countries such as Cambodia and Nepal is actually be leading to the abandonment or even abduction of children from their parents to fuel the boom in eager tourists has led to calls for a radical rethink on the ethics of so-called volunteerism.
Delegates at a one-day conference at Braithwaite Hall in Croydon, south London, organised by Tourism Concern will seek to persuade prospective volunteers to think hard about their choice of destination. Among the speakers at the event is campaigner Philippa Biddle, who described taking part in a development project building an orphanage and library in Tanzania. She said each night local men dismantled the structurally unsound work they had done — relaying bricks and resetting timbers whilst the students slept.
Laura Woodward of Raleigh International, a non-profit making sustainable development charity which works with young volunteers and communities around the world living in poverty, said few commercial organisations offered high quality placements that brought benefit to their host countries. I recently came across an interesting article questioning voluntourism and assessing whether it does more harm than good in communities of the global south.
It was considered an alternative to what most college students did on their vacations: spending idle time by the poolside. The university-organised trips sent students to spend a week in disadvantaged and poverty-stricken communities to volunteer. This could take the form of teaching English at the local school, assisting in building and beautifying new homes for residents, or environmental cleanups. Interspersed throughout the week were also touristy getaways and souvenir shopping.
Although I had memorable and rewarding moments, I could never shake off the feeling that it was all a bit too self-congratulatory and disingenuous. All that is understood is the poverty and the presumed neediness of the community, and for the purposes of volunteering, that seems to be enough. In my own experiences — also highlighted by the author of the article — this has led to condescending and superficial relationships that transform the usually western volunteer into a benevolent giver and the community members into the ever grateful receivers of charity.
It makes for an extremely uncomfortable dynamic in which one begins to wonder if these trips are designed more for the spiritual fulfillment of the volunteer rather than the alleviation of poverty. In fact, if anything we slowed down the process with our inexperience and clumsiness. And how many schools in the west would allow amateur college students to run their English classes for a day?
What had I really done besides inflate my own ego and spruce up my resume? I had stormed into the lives of people I knew nothing about, I barely engaged with them on a genuine level, and worst of all, I then claimed that I had done something invaluable for them all in a matter of five days of which most of the time was spent at hotel rooms, restaurants, and airports. An entire industry has sprouted out of voluntourism as it increases in popularity, possibly equal to the increase in global inequality.
As the gap between rich and poor widens, so too it seems does the need for those of the global north to assuage the guilt of their privilege paradoxically, guilt only seems to deepen as many realise the illusory effect of their impact , or to simply look good. The developing world has become a playground for the redemption of privileged souls looking to atone for global injustices by escaping the vacuity of modernity and globalisation.
But does this address the root institutional and structural causes of the problem? I do not mean to deny, across the board, the importance of the work voluntourists do. Volunteers in developing countries fund and deliver great programmes that would not happen otherwise, but the sustainability and the effectiveness of the approach is what I question. Time and energy would be better spent building real solidarity between disparate societies based on mutual respect and understanding. Instead of focusing on surface symptoms of poverty, volunteers and the organisations that recruit them should focus on the causes that often stem from an unjust global economic order.
How about having volunteers advocate for their home country to change aggressive foreign and agricultural policies such as subsidy programmes? This might seem unrealistic but the idea is to get volunteers to understand their own direct or indirect role in global poverty. The idea is to get volunteers truly invested in ending poverty, and not simply to feel better about themselves. This is the most direct attempt to lure tourists, seducing them with wide eyes and heart-wrenching stories of abandonment.
Other orphanages rely on websites filled with pictures of happy children. Some have hooked up with guest-houses, taxi drivers and, best of all, western tour companies that offer voluntary work alongside the holiday of a lifetime. But behind those smiles can lie untold misery.
For in Cambodia , as in other parts of the globe, orphanages are a booming business trading on guilt. Some are even said to be kept deliberately squalid. Westerners take pity on the children and end up creating a grotesque market that capitalises on their concerns. This is the dark side of our desire to help the developing world. Look again at those cute children. An official study found just a quarter of children in these so-called orphanages have actually lost both parents. Once again, clumsy attempts to do good end up harming communities we want to help. We have seen it with foreign aid, corrosive in so many countries by propping up despots, fostering corruption and destroying local enterprises.
We have seen it with the dumping of cheap food and clothes, devastating industries and encouraging a dependency culture. Insiders call them guilt trips. All those teenagers heading off on gap years, fired up with enthusiasm. Those middle-aged professionals spending a small fortune to give something back to society. And those new retirees determined to spend their downtime spreading a little happiness. The study reveals that short-term volunteer projects can do more harm than good.
Wealthy tourists prevent local workers from getting much-needed jobs, especially when they pay to volunteer; hard-pressed institutions waste time looking after them and money upgrading facilities; and abused or abandoned children form emotional attachments to the visitors, who increase their trauma by disappearing back home. Development charities offering professionals the chance to use skills abroad have raised similar concerns; Voluntary Service Overseas even condemned this burgeoning industry as a new form of colonialism.
VSO asked what right unqualified British teenagers had to impose their desire to do good at schools in developing countries. And Norman is correct: the more you look below the surface, the more these trips raise profound questions about misplaced idealism and misconceived attitudes. In recent years, a disturbing form of slum tourism has taken off, with rich visitors sold a glimpse into the lives of the very poor. In Asia, unbelievably, tourists pay for trips to hand out food to impoverished rural families. In Africa, tour firms throw in a visit to an orphanage alongside a few days on the beach or watching wild animals.
Critics argue that dropping in to take photographs of orphaned children, who may have seen parents recently waste to death, reduces them to the status of lions and zebras on the veld. Many orphanages let tourists work with children. We would be shocked, so why should standards be lowered in the developing world? Yes, resources might be in short supply, but just as here, experts want children in the family environment or fostered in loving homes, not in the exploding number of substandard institutions.
Perhaps this is unsurprising in a world in which Madonna thinks it is fine to take children from African families. In Ghana, just as in South Africa and Cambodia, there has been a boom in unregistered orphanages. Last year, police investigated one after the rape of an eight-month-old boy and discovered 27 of the 32 children were not orphans.
Too many travellers carry a naively romantic idea of doing good alongside their luggage. Last month, the British owner of an orphanage near Siem Reap was charged with sexual assault of a teenage boy; up to children were moved to a safe house by investigators. Inevitably, the needs of impoverished communities are subverted by the demands of wealthy visitors. Volunteers come away with the classic picture with an orphan and tell all their friends about their experience — as a business person I loved this. The desire to engage with the world is laudable, as is the desire to volunteer.
But we need to tread more carefully. Unless we have time and transferable skills, we might do better to travel, trade and spend money in developing countries. All too often, our heartfelt efforts to help only make matters worse. Every so often the spotlight is turned on western students using their free time to help those less fortunate in developing countries, and much head-scratching and soul-searching ensues.
Mohamud clearly had a difficult volunteering experience. She says she felt ashamed at the excessive praise and thanks of locals, cringed as she took photos with African children whose names she did not know and was left feeling that she had simply inflated her ego and spruced up her resume. There is a discussion to be had about the merits or otherwise of overseas volunteering schemes which attract crowds of well-meaning westerners to build schools and playgrounds, teach English or care for orphans. The charity enlists British students to build play facilities and run sporting projects for primary school children.