The Textile Industry, The Cotton Gin, & Beyond Unit Study

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  1. RELATED POSTS
  2. Cotton gin
  3. project report on welspun textile LALIT MORYANI ,POSWAL JITENDRA

Inevitably, however, the mills began to move southward to be closer to the production of cotton, and in time, initiated the Industrial Revolution of the South. They moved first to the Piedmont regions of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia primarily because of the availability of water power, and then with the advent of steam and electrical power, to Mississippi as they moved still closer to the cotton fields. Southern states were happy to see the development of a cotton manufacturing industry in New England, and, in the beginning, more than content to concentrate their resources on the production of cotton for the mills.

As the demand for cotton fiber skyrocketed, owners of large plantations began to make fortunes raising cotton with slave labor. It was an extremely costly system, but early successes of the plantations and the mythical romance surrounding them led others to turn to cotton-growing, leaving little capital to invest elsewhere. Captivated by visions of riches, Southern planters by the thousands, big and small, began to convert all suitable lands to cotton fields. As the importance of cotton increased, the planters were increasingly less inclined to divert capital and labor from cotton growing to factory building.

Cotton growing quickly became the South's economic base; this was particularly true of Mississippi which developed an improved variety of cotton and became the leading state in the production of cotton as well as one of the wealthiest states of the period. Finally, in the late s, a few scattered cotton mills began to appear in the South. While Mississippi lagged behind other Southern states, Dunbar Rowland in his book, A History of Mississippi: The Heart of the South,' notes that " tradition says that the first cotton mill in the State, and perhaps the world was that of Sir William Dunbar, erected at or near Natchez in Rowlands source was A.

Muckenfuss who, in his Industrial Mississippi in the Light of the Twelfth Census, indicated that the Dunbar Mill, named in honor of a noted scientist and father of the cotton-seed oil industry in Mississippi, was "the first cotton-seed oil mill in Mississippi, if not in the world. Small mills, with hand looms, were still commonplace at the time; most of them in the South were associated with plantations and were used to produce a coarse cloth for their private use.

The state's first mechanically powered cotton manufacturing mill was built on the outskirts of Natchez, but in rather than John Robinson, a Scottish textile expert, came to Mississippi before the economic panic of to build a cotton textile mill for the Mississippi Cotton Company of Natchez. Before construction started, the company suffered substantial financial losses in the crash and was forced to abandoned its plans. After a similar experience with the Port Gibson Manufacturing Company, the tenacious Robinson in built a cotton and woolen mill himself, equipping it to the extent his limited financial resources permitted.

The Robinson mill occupied a small two-story building and was powered by a twelve horse-power steam engine to operate 60 wool spindles and cotton spindles. Be- cause of his limited funds, Robinson was forced to start producing cloth before the mill had all of the appropriate machinery. It was a disastrous start and, within two years, he was forced to liquidate. The failure resulted from several problems which included, according to D. Clayton James in his 'Antebellum Natchez,' "insufficient capital, inadequate machinery, shortage of skilled laborers, high cost of importing Indiana coal for fuel, and ruthless competition from New England textile producers.

John Robertson and associates of a Boston firm purchased the bankrupt Natchez Cotton Compress and brought in textile workers from New England and a twenty-eight-horse-power steam engine to operate 2, spindles and 10 power looms. The Boston firm, after upgrading the machinery, sold the mill in November to Samuel T. McAlister who, with the assistance of a Massachusetts textile expert and seventeen Negro slaves, began to manufacture rope, plantation cloth, and a heavy cloth for cotton picking sacks.


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Like the Robinson mill, the Robertson mill never really got off the ground; the history of its short life was one failure after another. After struggling under several different owners, it closed in and left most cotton manufacturing in the state to household or cabin spinning and weaving. The Natchez experiments were discouraging, but the failures were not sufficient to stop the establishment of three Mississippi textile mills which were at the time under construction or in the late planning stages: the Bankston textile mill in Choctaw County established in ; the State Penitentiary textile mill at Jackson in ; and the Edward McGehee mill at Woodville in The three mills were later followed by a still larger mill: the Thomas Green mill at Jackson in The Bankston textile mill is regarded as Mississippi's first successful mechanically powered textile mill and became " famous throughout the Old Southwest as a model of industrial efficiency and profitability.

Wesson, its founder, was associated with a textile firm in Columbus, Georgia, the " Lowell of the South," which in decided to build a cotton and woolen mill in the back country of northern Mississippi. In January he, together with David L. Booker, John P. Nance, Richard Ector and Thomas J. Stanford, organized and chartered the Mississippi Manufacturing Company and, before the end of the year, began moving machinery and equipment to the new site on the west side of McCurtain's Creek, a tributary to the Big Black River in Choctaw County.

It was difficult at the time to find native white workers for industrial work, and thus several experienced mill families were imported from Georgia to do the skilled work. The use of Negro slaves was thought to be too expensive, but a few were employed to operate the steam engine and perform other unpleasant assignments. A Semple steam engine, manufactured in Providence, Rhode Island, was brought in to power the mill.

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A very difficult journey to say the least. It was transported from Rhode Island to Greenwood by water and then drawn overland to the mill site by several oxen, a distance of sixty-five miles, several miles of which were through the Yazoo swamp. The eighty-horsepower engine actually provided more than sufficient power for the textile mill, and the enterprising Colonel Wesson added a flour mill and a gristmill to the textile equipment to utilize the surplus power.

The Bankston textile mill began operations in December with twelve workers. It prospered and quickly expanded to include a tannery, a shoe factory, a machine shop, along with other enterprises. By June , the textile mill operated cotton spindles and spun pounds of cotton into yarn and thread daily.

During the first few years, the mill operated at a financial loss in the production of cloth but made a small profit on cotton yarn. During this period, Colonel Wesson left the looms idle and concentrated on the production of yarn and thread, along with his other enterprises such as the milling of corn and wheat, until conditions improved in the cloth market.

The critical period came two years later with the nation-wide panic of The Bankston manufacturing company not only survived but prospered during the panic; and then for several years in succession, it paid annual dividends of 37 percent while building up a large reserve fund. In addition to the investors, some eighty-five workers enjoyed the prosperity. While wages were low, the company provided housing and made sure the workers were supplied with products of its several enterprises, shoes, cloth, meat, and flour. Alcoholic beverages, however, were forbidden. Like William Gregg, founder of the famous antebellum mill at Graniteville, South Carolina, Colonel Wesson vehemently opposed the drinking of alcoholic beverages and successfully promoted a law prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquor within the corporate limits.

On June 4, , Colonel Wesson wrote to De Bow's Review describing his manufacturing enterprises, and in the process, indicated his opposition to the sale of alcoholic beverages. We have but one grog-shop within seven miles of us, and that will probably not last long. Our building is made of wood, feet long, 48 wide, three stories high. We are now running about spindles, 10 cards, 12 looms, and all the accompanying necessary machinery for spinning and weaving. Owing to the high price of cotton we have stopped our looms.

We have spindles and five cards more, not finished; we shall probably get them in operation for the next crop. We carry on a machine shop in which we make every variety of machinery for carding and spinning. Our looms are built by Messrs. They are heavy and substantial, and are built for making heavy Linsey and Osnaburgs, such as are most used in the South. I think that companies in this state intending to embark in the manufacturing business, would do well to call to see our machinery before buying elsewhere.

We have just completed the finest flour mill in this state, or equal to any in the South. We will show flour with the St. Louis or any other mill North or South. We use a large fine Semple Engine, made by Messrs. It is admired by all vistors for its great capacity and simplicity. It is run by a Negro engineer, who also serves as fireman, who had no acquaintance with engines until he took hold of this. We have a double cylinder wool card that cards the wool twice as well as most of the country cards that have only one, and will turn off two hundred pounds of rolls a day, for which we charge a 8 c.

The Bankston cotton mill became famous as it continued to grow and prosper. By , it had expanded to operate 1, cotton spindles, wool spindles, and 20 power looms; indeed, it operated the latest in textile machinery and was regarded as the forerunner in modern cotton manufacturing in the state. Wesson also believed, along with William Gregg and other prominent Southern cotton manufacturers, that the South, in addition to agriculture, desperately needed to devote itself to manufacturing.

On August 11, , he wrote John F. Claiborne asserting that the " South stands in the same relation to New England now, that we as a nation did to Old England fifty years ago. The Bankston manufacturing company was a step in that direction. Moreover, the thriving community of Bankston was in every regard a model company town and Mississippi's first cotton mill village. The Mississippi Penitentiary Textile Mill was the next large successful mill to be built in the state. As early as , the penitentiary produced clothing for convicts with the use of manually-operated spinning machines and hand looms.

By , the prison population had increased to the point that the primitive machinery could no longer produce sufficient clothing to meet its needs, and the state legislature responded by authorizing the superintendent to purchase power-driven equipment. Spinning machinery and power looms were purchased and brought in from Patterson, New Jersey, and in October , the mechanically-operated penitentiary textile mill went " into full production, turning out cotton and woolen cloth and yarns at the rate of 1, yards of cotton osnaburgs, yards of woolen linseys, and pounds of yarn per week.

The material was obviously ideally suited for prison use and the reason for its extensive production. It was an impressive start, and the legislature, at its next session in , authorized the purchase of additional machinery to increase the production of cloth from 1, yards per week to 1, per day. Production soon exceeded the penitentiary needs, and the state began competing with private enterprise by selling the surplus to wholesale dealers in cities as distant from Jackson as Mobile, New Orleans, and St.

The venture became very profitable, and by the penitentiary textile mill had become one of the state's most valuable assets, returning a small profit to the state after paying the entire cost of the prison system. In , the mill was destroyed by fire, but without any delay, the legislature decided to rebuild and on a much larger scale. In late , a vastly enlarged mill was completed; it reopened with convicts to operate " 2, spindles for spinning cotton, twenty-four cotton carding machines, seventy-six looms for weaving osnaburgs, four mills for producing cotton twills, and a full complement of machinery for making woolen linseys and cotton batting.

The Wilkinson Manufacturing Company was the third large cotton textile mill to be built in the state. It was organized in by Judge Edward McGehee, a noted planter and railroad entrepreneur, who decided to expand his business interests. After visiting Lowell, Massachusetts to familiarize himself with the operation of a cotton mill, he employed Colonel James Woodworth, a skilled textile mechanic, to construct the mill in the small village of Woodville about twenty-five miles south of Natchez.

McGehee's mill was completed and began operations in March , powered by a wood-burning steam engine of eighty-horse-power, and initially employed a force of white Mississippians and New Englanders to operate 3, spindles and ninety looms. As at Bankston, apartment houses and a large boarding house were constructed to provide living quarters for the mill workers. In , Judge McGehee dismissed Superintendent Woodworth, assumed management of the mill himself, and replaced the white workers with slaves.

Just three years later, in , he bought out the other co-owners and proceeded to operate it as a family enterprise for the next several years, producing shirting, lowells, linsey, and kerseys. Unlike Colonel Wesson's openness regarding his mill, Judge McGehee was very secretive about the Woodville mill and, as a result, not much is known about its operations except that the mill was apparently very successful. Although short-lived because of the Civil War, it was a financial success from the start.

At the beginning of the Civil War, Mississippi lagged far behind in becoming industralized but it had made some progress. It had four large cotton mills, the Bankston mill, the Edward McGehee mill, the Penitentiary mill, the Thomas Green mill, along with two small insignificant mills--one in Columbus and the other in Tishomingo County. The modest gains showed that antebellum Mississippi simply was not ready for industrialization.

The people preferred to continued to concentrate nearly all of their resources in the cotton plantation system which, unfor- tunately, left the state ill-prepared for the impending Civil War and the Radical Reconstruction years that followed. Its small textile industry, however, proved that it could " survive and prosper in Mississippi as well as in Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina, despite economic depressions, competition from northern manufacturers, and opposition from agrarian critics of southern industrialization.

The Civil War, unfortunately, was to destroy the state's four textile mills along with most of its other small industry. In , General Grant and his troops destroyed the Woodville, Jackson, and Penitentiary mills; but because of its isolated location, the Bankston mill survived a while longer. Federal troops later learned of the Bankston mill, and on December 30, , a foraging party, under the command of General Benjamin H. Grierson, raided the defenseless village and burned the cotton and wool mill, the shoe factory, and the flour mill while the inhabitants slept and without a shot being fired.

Much of Bankston was a legitimate military target, for its mills were producing 1, yards of cloth and pairs of shoes daily for military purposes. But unfortunately, the foraging party did not restrict its activities to legitimate targets; it not only destroyed the 5, yards of cloth, 10, pounds of wool, bales of cotton on hand but, in addition, destroyed 10, pounds of flour and took the farm animals, horses, cows, pigs, and chickens, leaving the town's people hard pressed to escape starvation.

At the time, the need for clothing was so great that one woman, J. Coleman notes in his Choctaw County Chronicle, rode horseback forty miles, round trip, a few days before the raid to get a single bolt of cloth. With the destruction of the four cotton mills, Mississippi's emerging textile industry was devastated, and except for a small mill in Columbus, cotton manufacturing in the state returned to cabin or household spinning and weaving.

Thus the four mills, including Mississippi's first successful steam powered cotton mill and its first mill village, took their places in history, and, as will be seen, cotton mill building in the state was painfully slow for the next three decades. Colonel Wesson, however, survived to pick up the pieces and build the first phase of Mississippi's most famous post Civil War manufacturing plant of any type.

Of the prewar cotton textile manufacturers in Mississippi, he was the only one to continue in the textile business in the postwar era. Our review will take us next to Colonel Wessons new mill, the states first post Civil War mill, which eventually gained national and international fame for its efficient operations and production of high quality fabrics.

Soon after his Bankston mill was destroyed by fire, Colonel Wesson set out to establish another. Before the war was over, he and two associates, W. Hallam and James Hamilton, selected a wilderness site about forty miles south of Jackson, and in March the site was incorporated as the town of Wesson. Three years later, the construction of a cotton mill, the Mississippi Manufacturing Company, and seventy-five houses for workers was completed.

Colonel Wesson donated land for three church sites, Presbyterian, Methodist, and Baptist, and the town of Wesson began to develop around the mill. The village houses were very similar and most were built to accommodate two families, and each family was provided with sufficient land for a vegetable garden, a cow, a pig, and a few chickens. But as at Bankston, no alcoholic beverages were permitted; Colonel Wesson was successful in having the charter prohibit the sale of alcoholic beverages within the corporate limits.

The Wesson mill was to become Mississippi's most famous postwar manufacturing plant of any type. Unfortunately, however, abusive practices during the Radical Reconstruction era created major financial problems for Colonel Wesson, and he was forced to step aside before the mill reached its summit. Early in , Mississippi Manufacturing Company went into bankruptcy and receivership, and on February 23, , the company was sold by the receivers to Captain William Oliver and John T.

Hardy, New Orleans businessmen. After paying all of his debts, Colonel Wesson, the father of the Mississippi cotton textile industry, quietly retired to nearby Bogue Chitto. Earlier that year, his wife died, and some believed that her death may have influenced his decision to sell out and retire. Captain William Oliver, after being named general manager, moved to Wesson with his family to manage the operations. Just two years later, disaster struck again. The mill was destroyed by fire, and Oliver, as Colonel Wesson had done after the Bankston fire, was determined to rebuild.

He persuaded Edmund Richardson, one of the largest cotton growers in the world with 25, acres in cultivation and known as the "Cotton King," to purchase Hardy's share and controlling interests in the operations. The first of four mills was completed in late and Mill No.

Two more mills were later added--Mill No. The mills, renamed Mississippi Mills, consisted of four large brick buildings when completed, one of which was five stories high with a seven-story tower, and covered several city blocks. From the beginning they were pow- ered by steam engines and very early illuminated by electricity. As unlikely as it seems, the electric lights were installed by , within three years after Thomas Edison perfected his electric lighting plant and bulb, and before either New York or Chicago had adopted the new lighting system.

In any event, a giant, five-story, electrically illuminated plant in the small town must have been an unexpected and unique sight. The Wesson Enterprise reported that people came from miles around to see the "little lights in bottles" and that passengers on the Illinois Central Railroad were amazed at the sight as they passed through Wesson--a small hamlet in the midst of the state's famous piney woods region. The Wesson mill grew into a mammoth textile plant at a time when most Mississippians were still openly hostile to in dustry. In the late s, Mississippi Mills employed 1, workers to operate 25, cotton spindles, 26 sets of woolen machinery, and looms in the production of 4,, yards of cotton goods, 2,, yards of woolen goods and , pounds of yarn and twine annually.

The mills produced a variety of high quality and award-winning fabrics--including cassimirs, plaids, jeans, stripes, tweeds, doeskins, and several others--with a reputation "for excellence not surpassed by the product of any mills in the world By , the Wesson mill was the largest manufacturing enterprise of any type in Mississippi and reputed to be the largest in the South. Senator L. Lamar of Mississippi proudly noted that the mill had become "the subject of a great deal of pride and interest to the citizens of the state.

William Oliver, as general manager, was given credit for the phenomenal growth and success which brought the nation-wide fame. Under his leadership from to , most of the profits were reinvested to finance growth, but much of his managerial success can be attributed to his special interest in the mill workers and lcal community affairs. Reviewing his accomplishments, the Wesson Enterprize noted that.

He was especially interested in the welfare of the operatives in the mill; he considered them people. This attitude earned him the support of both the community and the workers. For the workers, they recognized that his fair treatment was a valuable benefit and a good reason for them to be concerned about the success and general welfare of the company providing them employment.

Hence the fair treatment also benefited the company. Like Colonel Wesson, Captain Oliver was also a devout believer in the proposition that whiskey and manufac- turing did not mix. He insisted that land conveyances by Mississippi Mills, which owned most of the land in and near Wesson, include a clause providing that if alcoholic liquor were ever sold on the premises illegally, the title to the property would revert to the grantors or Mississippi Mills. No evidence surfaced indicating that title to proper- ty actually reverted under the clause or that chargers of violation of the clause had ever been made.

After his death in , a series of events--including absentee man- agement, the panic of , and increased transportation costs--began to bring Mississippi's largest manufacturing venture and greatest industrial success story to a close. John Richardson, who had succeeded his father as president, unwittingly started the decline when he moved to New Orleans in the midst of the difficult times and brought in a general manager from the North to replace Oliver.

Labor unrest was the immediate result, followed in , by forced receivership. Saunders, president; Frederick Abbott, superintendent; J. Rae, secretary and treasurer; Frank Reed, overseer cotton department; W. Ross, overseer woolen department; George W. Watson, dyer; J. Can- non, engineer; John Thompson, electrician; S. Sasser, cotton weaving supervisor; P. Raiford, wool weaving and finishing supervisor; Z. Rushing, cotton carding supervisor; James Barnes, spinning supervisor; and W.

Stevens, spooling, warping, and slashing supervisor. Within a year of liquidation, Wesson the largest town on the Illinois Central Railroad between Jackson and New Orleans, decreased in population from 5, to 1, Part of one of the brick mill buildings and several of the village houses still stand as a reminder. One of the houses is protected as a historical site. Wesson was a great success story for its time, but it would eventually be surpassed.


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  • In , two years after the Wesson mill opened, the greatest success story for a mill in the history of Mississippi cotton manufacturing was launched. Daniel Dupree, John Harland, and M. Brooks, supported by ten investors in Mobile, organized and began construction of a cotton mill on land formerly a part of a plantation near Enterprise and about twenty miles south of Meridian. Bush as president and W. Hamilton as secretary-treasurer.

    In the beginning, the mill was powered by a steam engine to operate spindles but used country hand looms to weave cloth. At the time, the use of hand looms was not unusual as many mills concentrated pri- marily on spinning thread; in fact, many of the early cot- ton mills were "spinning factories" and stopped short of weaving cloth. But shortly after opening, the Stonewall mill installed fifty-two power looms and began weaving sheeting. The first few years were difficult as financial losses mounted. By the directors had lost all hope of making a profit and assigned T.

    Wainwright to run the cotton out of the machinery and prepare the plant for sale. Wainwright, an enterprising young man, turned out to be the right man at the right time. Within a few months after taking the assignment, Wainwright turned the mill around and stopped the losses. So, the directors reevaluated their decision and elected to continue operations a while longer rather than putting the mill up for sale. They, then, promoted Wainwright to plant manager and gave him a new charge--make the mill profitable. It was a fortunate decision and turning-point for the struggling mill.

    Under Wainwright's leadership, the mill continued to prosper; by , the capacity of the mill had doubled. The expanded mill operated 10, spindles and looms, and soon began producing a variety of fabrics, including ratine goods, sheetings, drills, osnaburgs, shirtings, mattress ticking, and Turkish towels. Continuing success earned Wainwright the presidency in Four years later in , the Directory of Southern Cotton Mills reported that the mill employed workers in the operation of 21, spindles, narrow looms, and 8 boilers.

    It listed the key officers and employees as T. Wainwright, President and Treasurer; G. Case, Secretary; H. Dresser, Superintendent; W. Gilliland, Engineer; Overseers: carding, S. Adler; spinning, A. Askew; weaving, J. Oscar Berman, president of Crown Overall, assumed the presidency of Stonewall Cotton Mills and his brother Israel was named general manager. Crown, a producer of overalls, purchased the mill for the production of a line of denim it used in the manufacture of overalls.

    The new line was quickly added and soon replaced most of the other fabrics. In the late s, the mill's management, anticipating World War II, converted to the production of khaki and tenting. The conversion was timely. As it turned out, the military required great amounts of khaki and tenting, and with the military as its biggest customer, the mill enjoyed booming prosperity throughout the war years. The prosperity attracted the attention of the textile giants, and in the end, made the mill a candidate for acquisition. The late thirties brought the addition of new and modern buildings and machinery, giving the mill the latest in state of the art textile machinery.

    Most important to the workers was the attention given to their living conditions. With the installation of city water and a modern sewage disposal system in the village, sanitary conditions improved and the "out houses" disappeared. Village improvements were accompanied by pay increases and paid vacations; the employee benefits, including improvements in the village and housing, were at the time unique in the Mississippi textile industry. This perhaps explains, to some extent at least, the great difficulty labor unions experienced in their unsuccessful attempts to organize the Stonewall textile workers.

    The Stonewall mill continued throughout the thirties and war years of the forties to enjoy success after success. After the war, Erwin Mills, later a division of Burlington Industries, purchased the mill and in initiated another five-year program to expand and upgrade the plants, the machinery, and the mill village.

    Cotton gin

    In Burlington Industries purchased Erwin Mills, including the Stonewall mill, and immediately implemented still another intensive upgrading and modernization program. Burlington not only upgraded and modernized the mill but signaled the community and the mill workers that the mill was there to stay. The signal was important because the Stonewall mill, the last surviving cotton manufacturing mill in the state, was becoming a part of the largest textile-mill corporation in the world.

    The Stonewall and Wesson mills were pioneers in the development of cotton manufacturing in Mississippi. The Wesson mill led the way and enjoyed phenomenal suc- cess and fame for a substantial number of years and then faded into oblivion. The Stonewall mill, however, enjoyed greater success in the long run. At the time of this writing, one hundred and thirty years after its founding, it is still operating and planning for the future.

    Very few, if any, cotton mills in the United States, and no other in Mississippi, can boast that record. In , W. Shearer established a small yarn mill, the Pioneer Cotton Manufacturing Mill, two miles east of Meridian--a hamlet of five hundred near the eastern boundary of the state.

    A few months after it opened, the army of General W. Sherman raided the mill and community, destroying the mill and leaving only three houses standing in the small community. Three years later in , another mill was built on the site and began operations, under the name East Mississippi Cotton Mill, with J. Monette as general manager and George S. Covert as superintendent. In , J. Solomon, a local compress operator, purchased the East Mississippi Cotton Mill and expanded it to employ some forty workers to operate spindles and twenty looms in the production of yards of sheeting daily.

    He later upgraded the machinery and increased the number of workers to one hundred and fifty to produce primarily yarn, rope, and osnaburgs. By the end of the decade, it was one of the largest industries in a city Meridian that had become known for its industrial development. The last Mississippi mill built in the eighteen sixties was the Whitfield Cotton Mill at Corinth in Very quickly, the mill became known for its award-winning fabrics, and at the Philadelphia Centennial, it competed with the Wesson mill for first place prizes.

    However, the success was short-lived; two years later it fell victim to the Depression and closed its doors. In the s, Mississippi was confronted with another economic depression and the continuing Radical Reconstruction throughout most of the decade. It was hardly ideal times for cotton mill building. But in spite of the Depression and harsh Reconstruction impositions, Mississippi built three more mills in the s: the impressive Natchez Cotton Mill in , eventually employing workers to operate 12, spindles and looms; the Yocona Mill at Water Valley in , employing workers to operate spindles; and a small yarn mill at Bay Saint Louis in In the s, the state established four more: the Noxubee Mill at Shuqualak in , employing 50 workers to operate spindles and 40 looms; the Rosalie Cotton Mill at Natchez in , employing workers to operate 10, spindles and looms; the Tombigbee Mill at Columbus in with workers to operate spindles and looms; and the Port Gibson Mill in with workers to operate spindles and looms.

    After three mill failures in the s, Mississippi operated nine cotton mills at the end of the decade. The state had made very little progress, far less than the mill promoters had anticipated; indeed, the various mill campaigns of the seventies and eighties promoted by the state's most influential government leaders and planters, were big disappointments.

    They attracted very few mills and fell far short of bringing the much herald Industrial Revolution of the South to the state, and the ailing cotton-growing economy continued to prevail. Before leaving the Nineteenth Century, we will review in the next chapter the mill campaigns in some detail for they reflect the clash between the proponents of indus- trialization and those clinging to an ailing cotton-growing economy.

    The Gilded Age, as Mark Twain called the thirty-five year period following the Civil War, brought rapid change to American life as more and more people moved to the developing industrial centers. But throughout the period, most Mississippians, in spite of the abject poverty, had little appreciation for industrialization and were openly hostile to it.

    It is fed through variousrollers, which serve to remove the vegetable matter. The cotton, aided by fans, then collects on ascreen and gets fed through more rollers till it emerges as a continuous soft fleecy sheet, known asa lap. Ascotching machine for cotton was first invented in , but didnt get much attention until it wasintroduced in Manchester in or By it had been generally adopted.

    The scotchingmachine worked by passing the cotton through a pair of rollers, and then striking it with iron orsteel bars called beaters. The beaters, which turn very quickly, strike the cotton hard and knockthe seeds out. This process is done over a series of parallel bars so as to allow the seeds to fallthrough. At the same time a breeze is blown across the bars, which carries the cotton into a cottonchamber. WelsPun indiA liMited Carding machine Carding: the fibers are separated and then assembled into a loose strand sliver or tow atthe conclusion of this stage.

    The cotton comes off of the picking machine in laps, and is then taken to cardingmachines. The carders line up the fibers nicely to make them easier to spin. The carding machineconsists mainly of one big roller with smaller ones surrounding it. All of the rollers are covered insmall teeth, and as the cotton progresses further on the teeth get finer i. Thecotton leaves the carding machine in the form of a sliver; a large rope of fibers.

    WelsPun indiA liMited The fibers are straightened several slivers are combined. Each sliver will have thin and thick spots, and by combining several slivers together a more consistent size can be reached. Generally speaking, for machine processing, a roving is about the width of a pencil. In mule spinning the roving is pulled off a bobbin and fed through some rollers, which are feedingat several different speeds. This thins the roving at a consistent rate. If the roving was not aconsistent size, then this step could cause a break in the yarn, or could jam the machine.

    The yarnis twisted through the spinning of the bobbin as the carriage moves out, and is rolled onto a cop asthe carriage returns. Mule spinning produces a finer thread than the less skilled ring spinning. The mule was an intermittent process, as the frame advanced and returned a distance of 5ft. It wasthe descendant of Crompton device. It produces a softer less twisted thread that was favoredfor fines and for weft. It was a continuous process; theyard was coarser, had a greater twist and was stronger so was suited to be warp.

    Ring spinning isslow due to the distance the thread must pass around the ring, other methods have beenintroduced. These are collectively known as Break or Open-end spinning. Sewing thread was made of several threads twisted together, or doubled. Depending on the weight desired, the cotton may ormay not be plied, and the number of strands twisted together varies. Only the better qualities of yarn are gassed, such asthat used for voiles, poplins, venetians, gabardines, many Egyptian qualities, etc.

    There is a lossof weight in gassing, which varies about 5 to 8 per cent. The gassed yarn is darker in shade afterwards, but should not be scorched. This is coarser than 40 count cotton where 40x yards are needed. In the United Kingdom, Counts to 40s are coarse Oldham Counts , 40 to 80s are medium counts and above 80 is a fine count. In the United States ones to 20s are coarse counts. It is defined as a number that is equivalent to the weight in grams of m of a single yarn. The lengthways threads are known as the warp, and thecross way threads are known as the weft.

    The warp which must be strong needs to be presented toloom on a warp beam. The weft passes across the loom in a shuttle, that carries the yarn on a pirn. These pirns are automatically changed by the loom. Thus, the yarn needs to be wrapped onto abeam, and onto pirns before weaving can commence. Because the thread is fine, often three of these would be combined to get the desired thread count. WelsPun indiA liMited At this point, the thread is woven. Depending on the era, one person could manage anywherefrom 3 to machines.

    In the mid nineteenth century, four was the standard number. A skilledweaver in would run 6 Lancashire Looms. As time progressed new mechanisms were addedthat stopped the loom any time something went wrong. The mechanisms checked for such thingsas a broken warp thread, broken weft thread, the shuttle going straight across, and if the shuttlewas empty. Forty of these Northrop Looms or automatic looms could be operated by one skilledworker. The three primary movements of a loom are shedding, picking, and beating-up. There are two general kinds of sheds-"open" and "closed.

    Closed Shed the warp threads are all placed level in one line after each pick. This is done by the Over pick or under pick motions. The over pick is suitable for quick-running looms, whereas the under pick is best for heavy or slow looms. Jacquard looms and Dobbylooms are looms that have sophisticated methods of shedding. They may be separate looms, ormechanisms added to a plain loom. A Northrop Loom was fully automatic and was massproduced between and the mid s.

    Modern looms run faster and do not use a shuttle:there are air jet looms, water jet looms and rapier looms. The coarseness of the cloth can be expressed as the number of picks and ends per quarter inch square, or per inch square. Ends is always written first. For example: Heavy domestics are made from coarse yarns, such as 10s to 14s warp and weft, and about 48 ends and 52 picks. Finishing- Processing oF textiles The grey cloth, woven cotton fabric in its loom-state, not only contains impurities, includingwarp size, but requires further treatment in order to develop its full textile potential.

    Furthermore,it may receive considerable added value by applying one or more finishing processes. Scouring is usually carried in iron vessels called kiers. The fabric is boiled in analkali, which forms a soap with free fatty acids. A kier is usually enclosed, so thesolution of sodium hydroxide can be boiled under pressure, excluding oxygen which woulddegrade the cellulose in the fiber. WelsPun indiA liMitedprocess known as fabric preparation. Preparation and scouring are prerequisites to most of theother finishing processes. At this stage even the most naturally white cotton fibers are yellowish,and bleaching, the next process, is required.

    Cotton being a vegetable fiber will be bleached using an oxidizing agent, such asdilute sodium hypochlorite or dilute hydrogen peroxide. If the fabric is to be dyed a deep shade,then lower levels of bleaching are acceptable, for example. MercerizingA further possibility is mercerizing during which the fabric is treated with caustic soda solution tocause swelling of the fibers.

    This results in improved luster, strength and dye affinity. Cotton ismercerized under tension, and all alkali must be washed out before the tension is released orshrinkage will take place. Mercerizing can take place directly on grey cloth, or after bleaching. Many other chemical treatments may be applied to cotton fabrics to produce low flammability,crease resist and other special effects but four important non-chemical finishing treatments are: 5. Thefabric passes over brushes to raise the fibers, then passes over a plate heated by gas flames. During raising, the fabric surface is treated with sharpteeth to lift the surface fibers, thereby imparting hairiness, softness and warmth, as in flannelette.

    WelsPun indiA liMited 7. Dyeing,for instance, is commonly carried out with an anionic direct dye by completely immersing thefabric or yarn in an aqueous dyebath according to a prescribed procedure. For improved fastnessto washing, rubbing and light, other dyes such as vats and reactives are commonly used. Theserequire more complex chemistry during processing and are thus more expensive to apply.

    Printing Printing, on the other hand, is the application of color in the form of a paste or ink to thesurface of a fabric, in a predetermined pattern. It may be considered as localized dyeing. The growth of cotton is divided into two segments i. Cotton crop provides livelihood to millions of people but its production is becoming expensivebecause of high water consumption, use of expensive pesticides, insecticides and fertilizer. GMproducts aim to increase disease resistance and reduce the water required. WelsPun indiA liMitedlike washing, de-sizing, bleaching, rinsing, dyeing, printing, coating and finishing.

    Processing istime consuming. The major portion of water in textile industry is used for wet processing oftextile 70 per cent. Approximately 25 per cent of energy in the total textile production like fiberproduction, spinning, twisting, weaving, knitting, clothing manufacturing etc. About 34 per cent of energy is consumed in spinning, 23 per cent in weaving, 38 per cent inchemical wet processing and five per cent in miscellaneous processes.

    Power dominatesconsumption pattern in spinning and weaving, while thermal energy is the major factor forchemical wet processing. The techniques used to process these fibers in yarn are essentially the same as with naturalfibers, modifications have to be made as these fibers are of great length, and have no texture suchas the scales in cotton and wool that aid meshing. Reverse auction HNS. Preserving the ecological balance - Effluent treatment plants and the Waste dispersal plants located in and around the Welspun City. Integration with Customers Market Intelligence: Conducts Grid analysis of top retailers with respect to Product range.

    WelsPun indiA liMited 2. Qualitycontrol is concerned with checking and reviewing work that has been done. Under traditionalquality control, inspection of products and services takes place during and at the end of operationprocess. There are three main points during the production process when inspection is performed: 1. When raw materials are received prior to entering production. Whilst the products are going through production process. When products are finished — inspection or testing takes place before products are dispatched to customers. There are several problems with inspection during traditional quality control: 1.

    If there were any guarantees that no defective output would be produced , then there would be no need for an inspection process in the first place. Inspection is costly , in terms of both tangible and intangible cost. For example material, labour, time, employee morale, customer goodwill and lost sales.

    It is sometime done to late in the production process. This results into defective and non acceptable actually being received by customers. It is usually done by wrong people — e. Inspection is not often compatible with more modern production techniques. Working capital tied up in stock which cannot be sold. As result of above problems , many businesses focused their efforts on improving quality byimplementing quality management techniques which emphasizes the role of quality assurance. A major problem of mass production based on continuous or assembly line processes is that the resulting system is inherently inflexible.

    Since maximum efficiency is desired, tools, machines, and work positions are often quite precisely adapted to details of the parts produced but not necessarily to the workers involved in the process. Changes in product design may render expensive tooling and machinery obsolete and make it difficult to reorganize the tasks of workers. One answer has been to design machinery with built-in flexibility; for relatively little extra cost, tooling can be changed to adapt the machine to accommodate design changes. Similarly, a production line is usually designed to operate most efficiently at a specified rate.

    If the required production levels fall below that rate, operators and machines are being inefficiently used; and if the rate goes too high, operators must work overtime, machine maintenance cannot keep up, breakdowns occur, and the costs of production rise. Thus, it is extremely important to anticipate production demands accurately.

    Planning, an important function of management and engineering design, can alleviate the problems of increased demand by incorporating excess capacity in the facilities that would require the longest time to procure and install. Then, if production loads increase, it is easier to bring the entire system up to the new level. Similarly, if large fluctuations in demand cannot be avoided, flexibility to accommodate these changes economically must be planned into the system.

    At any given stage of technological development, the economies obtained by increasing production volume are largest in the initial stages of growth and level off as volumes are further increased. Indeed, if volumes grow too large, unavoidable breakdowns of facilities, failures of coordination, or other strategic factors may cause costs to rise. Advances in technology or changes in other factors can shift the optimum point to higher levels. For these reasons planners may limit the maximum size of a single production facility and construct an independent facility if greater production is necessary.

    The traditional example of mass production is the automobile industry , which has continued to refine the basic principles originally laid down by Henry Ford and other pioneers of mass production techniques. The assembly plant from which the finished automobile emerges is only the final element of a mass production operation that, for many companies, includes plants in several different countries.

    Into the final assembly plant flow large subassemblies such as the automobile chassis, the engine, major body components such as doors, panels, upholstered seats, and many electronic, electrical, and hydraulic systems such as brakes, lighting systems, and sound systems. Each of these, in turn, is usually the product of a mass production line in another factory.

    Stamping plants specialize in producing the formed metal parts that constitute the body of the automobile. Radio assembly plants, in turn, depend upon other assembly plants for components such as transistors and integrated circuits. There are glass plants for windows, transmission plants, tire plants, and many others, each specializing in the mass production of its own product, which is, in turn, fed into the final assembly plant. The control of the flow of material into and out of final assembly plants, including the scheduling of production from feeder plants and the timing of rail and truck shipments, is among the major engineering tasks that make the total mass production system for automobiles work.

    In the final assembly line one can see clearly how machinery and human effort in assembly are divided into many specialized skills. The special tooling and machinery developed to handle assembly parts and to aid operators in their tasks can also be observed. At a given point on the line a robot welder—unaided by a human operator—may weld body parts together. At another position the motor is mounted on the chassis by a large machine guided by an operator. In other places body panels and doors are assembled to the chassis, and dashboard instruments and wiring are added by hand with simple tools.

    Each operator learns his task in detail and uses tools specialized for that task. The total operation is paced by the speed of movement of the conveyor that carries the partially assembled automobiles. The number of operators, machine stations, and flow of materials to the conveyor have all been planned so that the conveyor can maintain an essentially constant speed with each operator and machine functioning near optimum effectiveness. Only one car model was manufactured, and each unit was identical to every other unit in all aspects, including colour—black. The same assembly line may turn out a variety of models with many colours and options.

    This is achieved by continued insistence on standardization of critical elements such as the methods by which parts are held together internally. Thus, the operator who specializes in assembling doors can handle a variety of models and colours equally well. In addition, the flow of materials to the various line positions is carefully scheduled and controlled so that the specific part required for a given model, colour, or option list arrives at the line at the precise moment that the partially assembled unit requiring the part has arrived along the conveyor.

    The exquisitely designed production-control systems operating in the automotive and other industries make it possible for the consumer to obtain a greatly enhanced variety of product without sacrificing the cost advantages of mass production techniques. The mass production principles of the division and specialization of labour and the use of standardized parts and processes have been applied to a wide area of productive activity.

    In agriculture the development of specialized machines for plowing, seeding, cultivating , and harvesting followed by factories for preparing, preserving, and packaging food products has drawn heavily on mass production principles. There are specialized manual tasks supplementing the specialized machines both in the fields and in the processing plants.

    In the service industries , such as air transportation , the division and specialization of skills can be observed among ticket agents, pilots, navigators, baggage handlers, flight attendants, maintenance crews, and traffic controllers. All major engineering projects in both design and manufacture generally require a complement of engineering specialties including chemical, mechanical, and electrical engineers and further subdivisions of these professions such as semiconductor engineers, circuit designers, and so forth. Thus, as industry becomes more complex at each level, the division of labour and specialization become necessary.

    At the same time, the need for coordination and communication between specialized members of the team becomes greater. Both the quantity and the variety of material goods in industrialized countries have resulted directly from the application of mass production principles. At the same time the environment and circumstances of those employed by, and associated with, the production of material goods have changed.

    The benefits that have arisen from the greatly improved productivity made possible by mass production techniques have been shared by employees, investors, and customers. The working environment has greatly changed, however. Similarly the complexities of management have increased substantially, and the investment requirements and risks faced by owners and investors have become much greater. Before the introduction of mass production techniques, goods were produced by highly skilled craftsmen who often prepared their basic raw materials, carried the product through each of the stages of manufacture, and ended with the finished product.

    Typically, the craftsmen spent several years at apprenticeship, learning each aspect of the trade and often designing and creating the necessary tools. They were identified with the product and the profession, enjoyed a close association with customers, and had a clear understanding of their contribution and position in society.

    In contrast, the division of labour, the specialization of narrow skills, the detailed engineering specification of how each task is to be carried out, and the assemblage of large numbers of employees in great manufacturing plants have greatly diluted the identification of employees with their productive functions and with their employers. Many surveys in the United States and in the industrialized countries of Europe have shown that workers do not fully understand and appreciate their roles and positions in society.

    In addition, the division and specialization of labour may lead to such narrowly defined skills and highly repetitive operations, paced by the steady progression of a machine or conveyor line, that tedium and fatigue arise to reduce the sense of satisfaction inherent in productive work. These physical and psychological factors have been the subject of numerous studies by industrial psychologists and others. Special attention has been paid to work factors which affect the psychological motivation that is a prime determinant of employee productivity. The psychological effects of the repetitive aspects of some mass production tasks have been examined in great detail.

    Tasks that are precisely paced by the rhythm of machine operation or conveyor-belt movement appear to be particularly fatiguing. For this reason, efforts are made to structure each job so that the operator can vary his pace by working ahead of the conveyor for a period and then slowing down, and by interspersing work breaks with productive periods. Some individuals prefer tasks that are sufficiently repetitive and narrowly skilled that they do not require any substantial amount of mental concentration once the function is mastered.

    project report on welspun textile LALIT MORYANI ,POSWAL JITENDRA

    With this understanding in mind, work tasks can be structured to produce a minimum of mental and physical fatigue; this planning is an important part of the design of a successful production operation. The highly repetitive, tightly paced production operations are usually the most easily automated. Thus, as technology advances, that part of the production operation that is most fatiguing, is least satisfying, and takes minimum advantage of the mental and physical flexibility of human effort is replaced by automatic machinery.

    Not only is productivity improved, but the remaining functions that require human effort can provide a more satisfying experience. There is also increasing study of the interaction of workers with the tools and machines that assist their efforts. Working together, engineers and physicians are making quantitative biomechanical studies of how the human body functions in performing physical tasks.

    These studies, which have led to the improved design of tools and work positions, are part of the broader field of human factors engineering, which considers the abilities and limitations of people in productive functions and seeks out ways in which machines can be designed to provide the best allocation of function between human effort and machine assistance. These studies are especially important as automated manufacture becomes more common. The problem of the loss of employee identification with the job has been of special concern.

    Employee suggestion systems provide further opportunity for the individual to have a direct effect on the productive process; the employee is given other opportunities to help structure the manner in which the job is performed. Thoughtful programs of this type can substantially ameliorate the feeling of anonymity that may otherwise result.

    Clearly employers must be willing to compromise on the division and specialization of work tasks that technical considerations alone might suggest as desirable.