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Among the occurrences of relative clauses with haber , there are examples of amount relatives parallel to the French examples cited above, either with explicit reference to an amount 11a , with a definite plural article 11b , or with a mass noun 11c : 9. But there are also numerous examples of relative clauses that are headed by singular count nouns, both with indefinite 12a, b and definite 12c, d article:.
In all these examples, haber is used with a noun that refers to a specific, concrete object. An amount, property or kind reading seems to be excluded in these examples. This shows that Spanish haber , unlike English there be or French y avoir , is perfectly capable of appearing inside relative clauses headed by specific singular count nouns, as long as the relative clause is restrictive cf. In all these examples the relative clause serves to establish the reference of the antecedent i.
The relative clause then specifies the location of the new discourse referent and thus serves to complete its discourse introduction. Estar can be found inside relative clauses with a large variety of antecedents: singular count nouns headed by a definite article 13a , an indefinite article 13b , or plural count nouns 13c, d. As we have seen in 11 — 13 , the definiteness of the pivot noun phrase will certainly not be decisive for choosing which predicate appears inside the relative clauses.
But are there other factors that could determine whether haber or estar is used? In some contexts, haber and estar appear to be in free variation inside relative clauses:. Corresponde a la zona del diafragma y ayuda a liberar tensiones. Both examples are produced by the same author, in the same book, and appear in the same chapter, a passage on reflexology.
They are only separated by few paragraphs, and their context is exactly the same. The sentences are thus almost identical, except that in one of them the author uses haber , in the other estar. However, there are also subtle differences in the use of haber and estar inside relative clauses. With a human antecedent, for example, haber is not completely excluded but rare, and is only used with unspecific reference 15a.
In the overwhelming majority of examples estar is used, both with specific or unspecific reference 15b, c. Sentir que todas las personas que hay alrededor te miran. Unlike haber, estar has also the capacity to appear inside appositive relative clauses 16 cf. Furthermore, estar rather than haber is used when the emphasis is on the exact location of the entity On the other hand, haber is used for less important details. These are useful for fixing the reference, but do not present important or unexpected information. Reconsider 12a, b from above repeated here for convenience :.
Where else, if not on the wall, should a pin board with fotos be attached? Similar remarks hold for 12b. Un estuche de metal is rather an unimportant detail of the story, without further consequence for the action, and its location encima de la mesa is everything else than unexpected.
Existentials in relative clauses: a contrastive corpus study of Spanish haber and French y avoir
Furthermore, there were no estar examples parallel to 11a , i. This use seems to be restricted to haber. Likewise, when the indefinite pronoun lo is the antecedent of the relative clause this may be considered as the ultimate case of a non-profiled substance , mostly haber is used in the relative clause 18 :. Important, salient, or well profiled entities, e. As the numerous examples of almost identical contexts for one or the other variant show, this seems yet to be rather a question of stylistic effects than of grammatical constraints.
Summing up, haber and estar are almost completely interchangeable inside relative clauses. This result is unexpected, given that the Definiteness Effect is very strong in Spanish and the restriction to amount relatives observed in the literature on English and French should hold for Spanish as well. Moreover, the few French corpus occurrences with y avoir inside a relative clause modifying a singular count noun see above indicate already that it is not completely impossible to have y avoir inside relative clauses that are not of the extended amount relative type, but only rare or unusual.
An alternative explanation. Further research on the issue has added robust empirical support to their thesis. Subject relatives appear to be not only cross-linguistically less marked, but also more frequent than object or oblique relatives. This frequency effect is valid for French and Spanish as well. A second case in point comes from acquisition data. In a recent study, Ezeizabarrena confirms also for Spanish an earlier acquisition date of subject relatives. We thus assume both for French and Spanish a preference for subject relative clauses, with higher frequency and greater ease of comprehension and production.
In principle, this should be of no further concern to our study, because, according to traditional grammars, the pivots of both y avoir and haber are considered being the objects of the construction. Both the French and Spanish relative clauses under examination should thus be object relative clauses.
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In practice, however, Spanish relative clauses with haber share much more properties with subject relative clauses than French y avoir relative clauses do. French has different relative pronouns, according to the function inside the relative clause: subject relative clauses are introduced by the pronoun qui , object relative clauses by que. Furthermore, the existential y avoir requires in its conjugated form the expletive subject il. With singular pivots, there is thus no formal difference between the two structures.
Only with plural pivots, there is agreement with estar , whereas haber as an impersonal construction should not display agreement at least following normative grammars. In summary, speakers of Spanish use relative clauses with haber as a means of fixing the reference of new discourse referents, whereas relative clauses with y avoir are rather avoided in French.
Comparing French and English versions of Spanish relative clauses with haber in the parallel corpora Open Books and Open Subtitles gives further insight in the issue. In most cases, the Spanish relative clause corresponds to a simple prepositional phrase 22b, c. Then, as now, Muslim women in the Middle East used it to speed up childbirth. By the sixteenth century, they too had started selling Roses of Jericho and claimed that they only opened on Christmas Eve or when women were in labour, and at no other time. Whilst northern Europeans focused on this aspect, calling Anastatica the Christmas Rose, it was the help that it promised to women in labour that captured the imagination of Italian mothers The association with the birth of the Virgin was confirmed through legends and the re-naming of the flower, which was now also called Rose of Saint Mary This woman lived at the end of the 16th and in the early 17th century.
The Rose of Jericho was among the utensils and objects that she carried in her toolkit when rushing off to childbirth. Was she the first to introduce the oriental plant in the capital of Spain? The first to make it popular in the homes of less well-to-do people? Both the full stories of this preeminent professional and her role in the introduction and dissemination of the Rose of Jericho are still to be written. In any case, by the middle of the century, gentlemen at the royal court of Madrid still considered the Rose of Jericho a gift worth mentioning.
And in the complicated ceremonies of mutual favours and attentions, it was a gift specially suited for expecting women. The process of unclasping and releasing could also be expressed with laces, girdles or cords. Thus, in rural Spain, it was until recent decades that the process of delivery was echoed and enhanced by the opening of shoelaces, girdles or knots in the birthing room.
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Not only the parturient but also the assisting women wore their hair loose Voces and jaculatorias. Shared rhythm, clinging and the soundscape of birth. A Spanish historiographer gives us a concise account of how the queen endured the time of her travail:. Una multitud se congrega alrededor del palacio donde habitan los emperadores. En su interior, Isabel ha ordenado cerrar las ventanas y dejar su cuarto en penumbra para preservar su intimidad durante el trance. La comadrona, Quirce de Toledo, trata de aliviarla y la anima a gritar como cualquier parturienta.
Urged by the midwife to facilitate the transition of the infant by opening her mouth and throat and by setting her vocal chords into vibration, the dignified Portuguese retorted that she would rather die than to give up a queen-like composure This attitude impressed people at court; it was subsequently remembered and retold by other authors of the age and presented as a paragon for the next generations of queens It testifies to the social pressures that weighed on a Habsburg queen. So it also gives valuable insight into the attitudes of common people.
What did they deem an appropriate expression of physical pain? Were screaming and the energy produced by it recommendable ways of encouraging birth? They obviously were and doctors did not disagree with this proceeding. Mothers used to scream during childbirth, at least since the days in which prophets and biblical authors noted it. But these archaic expressions were nevertheless connected to culture through the vowels and the consonants of holy words.
These words were parts of prayers, especially of ejaculations in the religious sense of the word. Golden Age theatre provides us with scenes which might echo their form and sound patterns. Lope de Vega supplies us with a case in point. Her ordeal is all the more exhausting as she has been expelled from her palace by a mean brother-in-law, the king having died during her pregnancy. She has to undergo birth in the mountain wilderness of Navarra:. Ethnography from 20th century rural Spain offers us another prayer, which might bear similarity to the ones pronounced in earlier centuries. Interestingly, it has the form of a litany, in which a group of praying people responds to the woman in labour.
The author of the study describes the rite as follows:. There are two elements which should be underlined for our purpose: Rhythm and communion. This was even more so, when the power of words came across not only through sound but also through physical contact. At this point we should briefly comment on the habitual birthing positions. Medieval and early modern authors advocate a posture where the womb remained in a vertical position. Therefore, the childbearing woman should sit, kneel, squat 39 or —as Fontecha recommends for buxom women— be on all fours while delivering She had to be sustained by her assistants, normally two women, who held her under the armpits The person who held her from behind could also be a man with the woman slinging her hands around his neck However, while praising the advantages, he attributes its use mainly to French, German and Italian midwives In , Ruices de Fontecha mentions both methods, birth with or without a stool Neither doctors nor midwives seem to have insisted on one specific method.
Yet they all emphasize the active part a healthy body should take in the process. What is more, according to these voices the childbearing body did not remain unsupported 45 and untouched during delivery.
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There is a good deal of evidence that this meant a lot to women involved in childbirth. Once again, it is Lope de Vega who gives us important clues This is when he creates scenes in which children are born under uncommon circumstances: A queen is chased from her castle, a mysterious lady has left her home to conceal her pregnancy from public knowing.
Consequently, they have to put up with a delivery in the wilderness or on a backstreet. Luckily, there is always a merciful male stranger whose perceptions and anxiety Lope describes so vividly that one is tempted to think he was calling to mind personal memories while making his verses This, of course, is fiction.
We might nevertheless deduce that parturition without the physical endorsement of another human being simply was not conceivable for the playwright In the heat of action his labouring protagonists do not care about the fact that they are dealing with men, and with strangers at that So here again, childbirth is described as an act that should be fostered and hailed by the neighbourhood. The hearty description is given from the angle of an unborn first-person narrator and goes as follows:.
The baby is situated in the uterus with its feet pointing down and the midwife predicts a difficult delivery. A surgeon and some doctors are called for, the use of a crotchet 54 is suggested while the choir of female voices increases in volume:. Despite the satirical undercurrent of the whole passage, it points to childbirth as a communal and concerted effort and endeavour.
Childbirth ritual aims at affecting the body of the woman in labour. But the mind is always involved, insofar as women are encouraged to experience the processes of their bodies in accordance with specific role models. The midwife, recommends Ruices de Fontecha, should cheer her up with. The most famous stories revolved around the Virgin Mary, mother of Christ, but also powerful advocate for and helper of all women involved in childbirth.
In predominantly Catholic regions we still celebrate the festivities associated with her life and Assumption to heaven but we rarely associate her with the fate of women who expect childbirth. The opposite applies to Baroque Spain. At that time, Saint Mary was perceived first and foremost as a woman who gives birth. There is rich evidence for this view, in personal letters, in collections of miracles, in the biographies of queens or female aristocrats or even in dramatic texts of the age What we still need is a close examination of the times and places where Marian narratives were reminded and constituted the backdrop of an analogous human experience.
The stories he recast in Castilian language were read and recited all over Europe. It is set in France, at the Mont Saint Michel sanctuary. There, a pregnant woman is cut off from her companions by the rising tide and seeks shelter from the waters mind the symbolic value of water in rhythmical movement! Some hours later she joins the other worshippers with a baby in her arms; the Virgin Mary herself has stopped the flood and delivered the baby The Virgin also takes care of unintended pregnancy.
Gonzalo de Berceo conveys an idea about how this had to be done in a female religious community. She has become pregnant as a consequence of a single slip in an exemplary religious life. Her fellow sisters notice the change in the shape of her body and threaten to inform the bishop whose visit to the monastery is impending. The stories belong to the 13th century culture, similar ones can be found in Golden Age collections of miracles. A recent edition includes the story of an adulteress rescued from shame and dishonour by the Virgin by means of a secret nocturnal delivery.
It occurs by the end of the 15th century. We will not comment on details here. Still, the central passage is worth quoting:. The Virgin herself takes matters in hand, she is thought of as a midwife 62 —superhuman, yet highly competent in practical things Her intervention shows immediate effects on earthly issues. Let us not dismiss these stories and their rather naturalistic view of miracles as childish manifestations of pre-rational stages of civilization. Rather, they inform us about the power of storytelling and what is more: about the cognitive function of stories and the power of imagination in extreme situations: Early modern Spanish people were much more prone to construct mental images of divine figures than we are today.
Consequently, in altered states of conscience, they could be projected onto the outside world and turned into divine visions. The mind of a delivering woman, flooded with endorphins, was probably even more inclined to do so. Rituals are a condensation and reflection of cultural values, as well as a space where these values are renegotiated. While we have tried to assess the relationship between childbirth and ritual, at several points we have come across professional theatre. Spanish playwrights often reflected on extraordinary circumstances of birth as a starting point for an extraordinary life.
Thereby they also conveyed manifold aspects of what was considered the canonical handling of the first and decisive moments of life Interestingly, people also felt the desire to reflect on the culture of birth in the playful context of feasting. Such an occasion was primarily offered by carnival. This was followed by a casting in which roles were distributed by drawing lots.
There had to be a woman who gave birth, of course, and a midwife. A male player was pressed into the unwelcome role of the emerging creature and subsequently wrapped up in a sheet so that he could not move his hands or feet anymore. El Caballero Audaz draws on the conventions of nineteenth-century Realism and Naturalism to examine how the char- acter's social milieu informs his actions. Explicit temporal markers in each of the seven chapters indicate that the text covers three years of his life.
During that time, Benjamin's financially-motivated involvement with a series of wealthy male and female lovers situates him in a cycle of economic boom and bust. This pattern fits well with Bestezuela de placer's publication in an almanac about the yearly cycle. The young man's oscillations between rags and riches are, instead, a systemic feature of his engagement with prostitution. As Michael Tratner observes, modern consumer capitalism depends upon the constant circulation of money and products, so that "[o]bjects of desire become. Because Benjamin enters this logic of expenditure and waste, alternating phases of upward and downward class mobility punctuate his life story.
The cycle affects Bestezuela de placer both structurally and stylistically. From a structural standpoint, chapter one begins in medias res during one of Benjamin's periods of financial ruin. Having been ex- pelled from a hostel the night before, the character wanders aimlessly through Madrid on a rainy day in November.
These indirectly reported laments allow the third- person narrator to enter the protagonist's thoughts and recount his life story. The quotations juxtapose Benjamin's attractive image in the window with the eroticized garments on display. The character admires his body as though it were a second mannequin amidst the orgy of colorful ties. Later, a male client in the shop acquires Benjamin in lieu of clothing. The aristocrat measures the protagonist like a piece of cloth and decides to make a purchase. The clerks' knowing looks as Benjamin exits the shop with the dandy indicate that the scene is a familiar one; this is not the first time the boutique has peddled both men's clothing and male bodies.
A temporal leap between chapters one and two creates a vivid contrast between Benjamin's poverty at the start of the novelette and his financial success as the designer's lover. If the shop window once separated Benjamin from the ties within, a new mirror helps him adjust his tie and accessories. In the following chapters, Benjamin tries to protect these markers of status by replacing the dandy with wealthy female lov- ers.
Chapters three through six strengthen the notion that the protago- nist repeats a script in each of his conquests. Benjamin meets both his second and third benefactors when they offer him money to continue gambling. Moreover, the second lover is a courtesan who receives pay- ment for accompanying a rich marquis. La Goletera has accumulated enough capital to maintain a lover of her own. The parallel signals that the young man is caught in a cycle of prostitution and social climbing common to other poor migrants in Madrid. Benjamin's cycle takes another downward turn when La Gole- tera tires of his reckless spending.
By the novelette's final chapter, the protagonist finds himself on the streets once more. The return also operates at a stylistic level, as long stretches of chapter seven reproduce passages from chapter one. Y eran las cinco de la tarde ya. Lost in the city, Benjamin returns incessantly to the same street. The novelette ends when Benjamin looks for work as a clerk in the same boutique where he met the dandy.
The implication is that the previously narrated events could recur in an endless cycle. The duplication of entire paragraphs from chapter one in chapter seven means that both Benjamin and the text form part of this pattern. The parallel becomes most explicit when the protagonist recognizes that he is no more than an expendable object for his lov- ers, a dehumanized "bestezuela de placer.
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The appearance of the work's tide within the text itself follows a convention with precedents in numerous other novels. It is particu- larly significant in Bestezuela de placer to the extent that the linguistic identity between the book and its protagonist makes it possible to interpret Benjamin as a metaphor for the text. Just as the protagonist stimulates his lovers in exchange for money and social standing, many short nov- els were a source of reading pleasure and erotic stimulation for paying readers.
Scholars who have examined whole collections of novelettes agree that they are overwhelmingly formulaic. The interchangeability of characters in different texts allowed some writers to reproduce lengthy passages in multiple works. More drastically, the phenomenon of the refrito permitted authors to reissue whole novels in different collections under modified titles 15, The result was that reading any one short novel was likely to evoke something read previously in an analogous work El Gaballero Audaz pushes the repetition characteristic of the collections as a whole to a hyperbolic level and draws attention to the questionable literary value of many individual novels.
Another formulaic aspect of short novel series was their pre- dictable life cycle. Additionally, Precioso's high payments and exclusive contracts drew bestselling novelists to La Novela de Hoy, to the detriment of other series El Caballero Audaz's emphasis on Benjamin's varying economic situation in Bestezuela de placer reveals a concern about financial success and failure that also guided his profes- sional decisions about which collections would allow him to further his career as a commercial writer.
Benjamin is thus a vehicle through which El Caballero Audaz reflected, wittingly or otherwise, on the socioeconomically unstable situation of male prostitutes and commercial literature in a modern consumer society in which bodies and books, both short and long, were rapidly circulating commodities available in an exchange of money for pleasure. Although novelettes were especially prominent in the mass literary market, there was also a niche for long commercial novels in early twentieth-century Spain. Novelette collections referred readers to long novels in hyperbole-laden advertisements published at the end of each book By the end of , five thousand copies had sold at the high price of twenty pesetas and Sagarra had won the pres- tigious Premi Creixells for Catalan novelists.
Davidson as a "'hang-over' period" when the economic prosperity brought about by Spain's neutrality in World War I came under strain During the financial crisis of the late s, Gatalan aristocrats could either marry into the industrial bourgeoisie or proudly resist the merger at the ex- pense of bankruptcy.
Combined with his hustling, his authorial aspirations situate him ambivalently in relation to Sagarra. While Guillem is an object of the author's moral contempt, he also intends to write a novel astonishingly similar to Vida privada. Federic and Guillem deploy varying strategies to maintain their social prestige and financial solvency in the midst of their familial crisis.
Whereas Federic clings stubbornly to aristocratic privilege by retreating to the clan's last remaining rural possession, Guillem does not hesitate to mingle promiscuously with Barcelona's newly enriched industrialists. He temporarily sacrifices his class privilege when he allows a former family maid to hire him out as a prostitute to a bourgeois couple that enjoys threesomes with working class youths. Guillem changes into rags and uses make-up to simulate a dirty face with the aim of arous- ing Gonxa Pujol and her husband Antoni Mates.
With the money thereby earned, he evades the need for other work. Federic's illness at Gan Lloberola contrasts sharply with Guillem's financial prosperity in the novel's final pages. Having secretly driven Antoni to suicide by threatening to publicize his homosexual inclinations, Guillem begins to court Gonxa, who rather incredibly fails to recognize him as the hustler she had hired with her husband.
Guillem and Gonxa find that they are most happy when she gives him money to perform violent sexual favors. Their subsequent marriage legitimates Guillem's sadomasochistic self- exploitation. El seu esdevenidor economic estava assegurat" "man- aged to become one of the fashionable boys. His financial future was out of harm's way"; Sagarra Although Vida privada ends favorably for Guillem, it does not condone his recourse to prostitution. Historian Lawrence Birken notes that nineteenth-century evolutionary biology coined the label degenerate to stigmatize people considered over- or under-evolved with respect to white, middle-class, heterosexual men: "[P]roletarians, perverts, women, children, criminals, primitives, and the mentally ill" References to these groups also characterize Guillem as the degenerate prodigy of an exhausted lineage.
Accordingly, the hustler is abnormal, puerile, and machine-like, a victim of atavism, and spiritual kin to a cheap female prostitute. She is "una variant del seu oncle Guillem" "a variant of her Uncle Guillem" , another monstrosity emerging from "[e]l verdet dels Lloberola" "the Lloberola slime"; Sagarra Sagarra's lurid Naturalist imagery reinforces his harsh critique of Guillem and places moral distance between author and character throughout most of the novel. In one episode, however, the gap narrows to imply a close identification of writing and hustling.
Midway through the text, Guillem tells his friend Agusti Casals that he wants to pen a novel Sagarra — The ensuing conversation reveals that the projected narrative will echo the structure, plot, and reception of Vida privada. When Agusti tells Guillem that the action is less important than its compelling presentation, the hustler replies that he will write a novel in which one event follows another, so that "els esdeveniments semblen cada vegada mes extraordinaris, i els personatges agafen un clar-obscur sense terme mig, massa de melodrama.
While readers might contest the verisimilitude of such a text, Guillem insists that his work will be based on actual events in Barcelona. He will publish it only at the risk of being exiled from high society "com una mala bestia indesitjable" "like a horrid, undesirable beast"; Sagarra With its succession of fictionalized scandals involving adultery, male prostitution, orgies, homosexual blackmail, suicide, premarital sex, abortion, sadomasochism, and incest.
Vida privada fits the description of GuiUem's book extremely well. Finally, both Vida privada and Guillem's text recount the hustler's exploits with his bourgeois clients. In other words, he intends to rework one of the principal subplots in the first part of Vida privada. His comments also foreshadow his mar- riage to Gonxa in Part II, since he claims to be in love with his novel's protagonist. As writer of a hypothetical mise en abyme of Vida privada, Guillem has a lot in common with Sagarra. In the same way, the link between hustler and book in Bestezuela de placer insinuates that vending novelettes is akin to pimp- ing texts.
El Gaballero Audaz and Sagarra adopt similarly ambivalent stances towards their notably metaliterary prostitutes. In their oscillations to and from hustlers. El Gaballero Audaz and Sagarra unveil the desires and fears that accrue upon prostitutes, both male and female, where they appear in commercial novels and novelettes from the early s. Martinez Martin's edited volume, as well as the work of Victor Infantes et al. Catalogs exist for El Cuento Semanal Magnien et al.
The mainstream collections also competed with anarchist and communist novelettes such as La Novela Roja 49 numbers, and La Novela Proletaria 26 numbers, Santonja. Alberto Mira , Jeffrey Zamostny, and Zubiaurre Cultures analyze the novels as representations of queer subcultures in Madrid and Barcelona. Carmen de Burgos's short novel Los negociantes de la Puerta del Sol, published in La Novela de Hoy in , also mentions the plaza as a venue for street urchins to peddle cheap books, iticluding pornography , It lacks the cover image and illustrations from the original.
The latter collection published Bestezuela deplacer on December 29, The original publication consisted of two volumes of and pages. Following a list of his literary works, Krauel declares that "there can be little doubt that Sagarra is one of the most popular Catalan authors of all times" Gendered Tropes in Spain's Mass Literary Market 75 27 Cruz Casado reports that the works of El Caballero Audaz went through so many editions between and that he decided to stop his publishers from printing the number of editions on his covers so as to avoid making other authors jealous